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ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW

In this open letter to the Chairman, House Committee on Diaspora, Hon. Sir Tochukwu Okere, he was charged by Collins Nweke to address the Elephant in the room, which is how he wishes history to remember his Chairmanship.

As you settle into office, Honourable House Committee Chairman, Sir Tochukwu Okere, I note with optimism that you have commenced a consultation round with Diaspora Stakeholders. This can only mean that you have a desire to understand the Diaspora landscape, know the issues and challenges as well as the opportunities and prospects. This is normal approach. But not in Nigeria! Take it from a confirmed source that as basic as this gesture is, those before you have never taken off in this manner. In Nigeria, we are used to commending people for doing the job for which they are paid. I’m sure you don’t want me to do that. Instead let me congratulate you for a start on your new appointment.

I want this note to be as brief as possible. I will therefore be short on details and precise on facts but ready to engage further in areas requiring expatiation. To provide the basis for the dynamics that led us to where we are on Nigerian Diaspora affairs and to where we are going, I will crave your indulgence to precede it with a paintbrush of the Pre-2000 era.

Pre-2000 Era of Nigerian Diaspora Affairs

Historically, the first poll of Nigerian Diaspora left the shores of the country for study purposes. Vast majority returned; a few stayed back for family reasons, including marriage to host country nationals, raising a family, and career related matters. The initial poll of migration out of Nigeria was added to by the civil war induced migration, some forced, others sponsored again for study purposes. Return and remain pattern, post studies was same as the pioneer group. Forced migration linked to military misrule, economic hardship, could be considered as the third wave of Nigerian Diaspora build-up in Europe and the United States. This was underscored by Nigerian exiles, fugitives, refugees and asylum seekers.

The major take away from this Nigerian Diaspora era is that these sojourning citizens were loosely organised along ethnicity, political, and pressure group lines. There was no formal link with the Government of Nigeria. Understandly so because of the low trust level or complete absence of it. The infamous Umaru Dikko London abduction saga explains enough. 

Post-2000 Era

Following the return to civil rule after the 1999 elections, there was a realisation of the quantum and quality of Nigerian Diaspora across the globe. A major characteristic of the group is that they were still organised along ethnicity and interests. In itself, not a huge problem except that they were often in competition, not collaboration, with one another. There was also absence of a formal channel of communication with Government. Given the deep division within the Diaspora on how to be formally organised, the touring President-Elect, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, decided to have series of Millennial Assemblies of Nigerians in the Americas and in Europe on assumption of office. The two main questions to resolve were: should Government adopt / recognise a single existing organisation as the official partner of government on Diaspora affairs or make a clean start with a new entity? The verdict of the Conferences attended by thousands of Nigerians anxious for a reinvigorated engagement with fatherland was overwhelmingly to make a clean start. There lies the birth of Nigerians in Diaspora Organisation (NIDO).

The challenges

The establishment of NIDO quickly threw up a few challenges, some of which are inevitable while others are man-manufactured and therefore avoidable.

For a start, some strong influential, perhaps recalcitrant voices against establishment of NIDO never gave up their opposition, despite the fact that the decision was a democratically and organically taken one. The NIDO opposition group was joined by some early NIDO enthusiasts who could not play the NIDO democratic politics, having gotten used to the partriarchic organising model prevalent in community organisations. They felt more comfortable opting out of NIDO to compete with it. Government officials and political office holders tasked with supporting NIDO or mandated to do so equally have pro-NIDO and anti-NIDO forces.

The most important conclusion to draw at this point is that the best performing Chapters of NIDO are in jurisdictions where there is a supportive Ambassador. Ukraine and later Switzerland  come to mind. NIDO is also known to have made the most progress in times when political office holders underwrite the notion of relating with NIDO as the official body and encouraging other groups to collaborate rather than compete with it. We must equally take something away from the fact that the passage of the Act for the establishment of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) into law (a Bill) took place during the 8th Assembly under a House Committee Chairman that honoured without reservation, government policy of establishing a formal channel of communication with the Diaspora through NIDO.

The elephant in the room 

I make bold to ask, Honourable Chairman House Committee on Diaspora, how do you wish to be remembered? This question is the elephant in the room. There are two broad  options open to you, organisationally and legislatively, if you ask me.

On the organisational side of the ledger, you could have your time in office be associated with an era in Nigerian history that got the Nigerian Diaspora equitably organised. Yes, NIDO is as of today the official representative of the Diaspora but who says that the representation as it is today is cast in concrete and can’t be reviewed and made more wholesome for Nigeria. I’m sure your round of consultations is giving you indications of necessary reforms. Is there a reason your time in office can’t be credited with transparently organising the Diaspora table boldly and audaciously? Yours must be an era when a political office holder is a Diaspora galvaniser rather than a champion of divide and rule. Your era could be one that sees an organised Diaspora population not as a threat to your personal ambitions but a value adding asset to Nigeria.

On the legislative side of the ledger, history beckons you my Honourable Chairman House Committee on Diaspora to end the current impunity and rascality whereby the Bill establishing the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission stipulates that there shall be a Board with 12 Diaspora members yet four years since its establishment, no such Board exists. Maintaining a cordial working relationship with NIDCOM is absolutely desirable for your Committee but so too is a good relationship with the target group of the policy you are meant to provide oversight for. You must resist any attempt by any side of these entities to pitch you against the other. You need no permission from NIDO to relate with NIDCOM and vice versa. Your independence of mind and thought in the execution of your oversight function will be critical to your success as Chairman House Committee on Diaspora. 

Still on the legislative plank, I am aware that most people anchor their arguments for Diaspora Voting on the US$23 Billion (on the average) of annual Diaspora Remittances. While this is substantial, Diaspora remittance remains today a welfare, consumption capital. As House Chair you can change that into investment capital through bonds, infrastructure investment fund, and so forth. Beyond that, I happen to believe that the strongest argument for Diaspora Voting is that not making it happen is antithetical to democracy, if not an affront to the rule of law. Making it happen will equally help to unlock the hidden potentials for accelerating national development of Nigeria using the assets that the Diaspora brings to the table. Above all, history will have your name and those of your House Committee members engraved in gold if the 10th Assembly by your intentional leadership makes Diaspora Voting a reality.

Collins Nweke was Chief Executive of Nigerian Diaspora Organisation Europe prior to serving as Board Chairman 2011 – 2013. A current third term Green Municipal Legislator for Social Affairs at the Ostend City Council, Belgium, he is an Opinion Maker columnist of The Brussels Times and Foreign Policy Commentator / Global Affairs Analyst with a host of Afrocentric media houses. A Fellow & Vice President of the International Association of Research Scholars & Administrators, Collins is also a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Public Management of Nigeria.

Strategies Around Populist Protests

Are you working to promote democracy abroad?

If so, chances are you’ve run into populist protests – a challenging fixture of democracies the world over.

Sometimes these protests emerge from movements that are clearly anti-democratic. But others are sparked by groups who are just interested in achieving their partisan agendas. Recognizing this distinction is crucial for developing effective responses to both kinds of protests.

That’s one finding from our newest study, which took GPPi’s Melissa Li to São Paulo. She interviewed researchers, populist activists, and staff members of international organizations who were active in Brazil over the last decade. During this period, right-wing populist protest groups mobilized millions, helping to impeach one president (Dilma Rousseff) and elect another (Jair Bolsonaro).

Yet despite their leverage and visibility, these groups operated largely unchecked – at least by the efforts of democracy promoters. Why was that?
For one, external actors were wary of interfering in domestic politics on behalf of Brazil’s democracy. And their progressive civil society partners on the ground were uniformly opposed to dialogue with the populist protest groups, even when some of them later turned on Bolsonaro. So democracy promoters felt their hands were tied.

To be sure, they faced significant challenges – but Melissa also found there were other strategic options worth considering. She details four of them, which range from engagement to containment approaches: cooperation; conversation; ignoring; and marginalizing.
Each approach comes with its own benefits and drawbacks, which democracy promoters will have to weigh for their own contexts. With this in mind, Melissa recommends these steps:

1. Develop analytical tools to mitigate biases in how you assess populist protest groups.This is the key to identifying which groups are relatively moderate and which are extreme. In Brazil, democracy promoters found their judgment clouded by their own political leanings, and did not distinguish between groups pursuing a constitutionally-defined process and others demanding a military intervention.

2. Engage with moderate populist protest groups and contain extreme ones. This rule of thumb also applies within groups, not just between them. For engagement to work, the groups themselves must be open to dialogue. As was the case in Brazil, some populist protest group members may already be part of democracy promoters’ networks – and serve as good first points of contact.

3. Establish a network of politically diverse democracy promoters and prioritize defending democracy. When democracy is under attack, democracy promoters must come together. If the populist protest groups are far on the right, like in Brazil, an independent or conservative organization will be best positioned to approach them. And vice versa for the left – making a broad coalition indispensable for defending democracy.We invite you to dive into the full study to learn more about the Brazilian context and what the rest of the world can take away from it.

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Originally published under the title “How to Respond to Populist Protests” by Global Public Policy Institute on 25 January 2024

Where is the African Interests in the US-China Battle for Influence?


US Secretary Of State, Antony Blinken has been back in Africa since Sunday 21 January 2024, for a week visit. Nigeria is one of his four planned stops.

Key question in the lips of Africa watchers is if Blinken Africa shuttle diplomacy is out of love for Africa? I’d say Nope!👎🏾 It can only be out of protection of America’s interests & investments, obviously!👍🏾
And Africa’s interests? Who’s protecting those? Certainly not its leaders, if they even know what Africa’s interests are… that is! Except for a tiny few.

I had a short interaction with Television Continental TVC anchor, Precious Amayo, around how Nigeria could derive its best interests. I even attempted a couple of suggestions.

In doing so, I reminded myself of an ongoing conversation at a Think Tank I am associated with, People Expertise & Excellence Foundation (PEEF) under the leadership of Dr. MUSA RABIU, FCIPM about the prospect of Nigeria commencing manufacture of Military Hardware at its Ajaokuta Steel Plant.

I was quick to assert that in the battle between the US & China over influence in Africa, the continent ought not have a dog in that fight. There ought to be sufficient space for all in a potentially prosperous Africa. Not Turkey, not Russia and others with eyes on the raw materials, minerals, and young human capital of Africa, should be ignored.

African Governments, especially led by Nigeria, must undertake a value analysis to determine their advantageous positioning with the US & China, as both powers battle for influence over Africa.

Ajaokuta Steel Plant Nigeria in its planned commencement of manufacturing of Military Hardware for instance, could become an almost insatiable market for weapon spare parts for America’s weapon industry?

Just thinking aloud…🤔 in this interview on TVC

The Union Now in Bed with its 23 Million Third-Country Nationals

The European Union (EU) has taken a significant step towards fostering a more inclusive and welcoming environment for third-country nationals within its borders. EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which establishes the criteria for non-EU citizens to acquire long-term resident status within the EU.

In a significant move, EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which outlines the criteria for third-country nationals to acquire long-term resident status within the bloc. The proposed updates include a more flexible approach to residency requirements, targeted integration measures, and enhanced intra-EU mobility. These changes are expected to benefit millions of third-country nationals living in the EU.

Major Highlights of EU Long-Term Residency Rules

1. Streamlined Residency Requirements

The proposed updates introduce a more flexible approach to residency requirements, allowing third-country nationals to accumulate residence periods of up to two years in other EU Member States to meet the overall five-year residency requirement. This provision aims to ease the path to long-term resident status for individuals who have moved within the EU for work or study purposes.

Long-term resident status is permanent. However, it can be withdrawn in certain cases, for instance, when a person has not had their main residence in the EU for a certain period of time.said EU Council

2. Targeted Integration Measures

The directive emphasizes the importance of integration for long-term residents, encouraging Member States to implement integration measures tailored to specific needs and circumstances. These measures may include language courses, cultural orientation, and civic education.

3. Enhanced Intra-EU Mobility

EU long-term residents will continue to enjoy the right to intra-EU mobility, enabling them to move and reside in other EU Member States for work, study, or other purposes. However, this right remains subject to certain conditions, such as labour market assessments by Member States to ensure that their domestic labour markets are not negatively impacted.

This right to intra-EU mobility is not an automatic right but is subject to a number of conditions. Such a condition is that member states may assess the situation of their national labour markets in case an EU long-term resident moves to their country from another EU member state for work.

4. Enduring Rights and Protections

Once granted, long-term resident status is permanent, providing individuals with long-term stability and security of residence within the EU. However, the directive also outlines specific circumstances under which this status may be withdrawn, such as prolonged absences from the EU or engagement in activities that threaten public security or order. By streamlining residency requirements, promoting integration, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive aims to empower non-EU citizens to contribute meaningfully to EU society and achieve their full potential.

Data Snapshot

According to Eurostat data, as of the end of 2020, approximately 23 million third-country nationals were legally residing in the EU, accounting for 5.1% of the EU population. Among these individuals, over ten million held a long-term permanent residence permit. These figures underscore the growing role of non-EU citizens within the EU’s social fabric.

Conclusion

The proposed updates to the EU Long-Term Resident Status Directive represent a significant step forward in promoting integration and mobility for third-country nationals within the EU.

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasising integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Inspired by an article by: Manish Khandelwal | Photo Credit: Freepik

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasizing integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Partnerships for Achieving Nigerian Diaspora Voting

Providing editorial consultancy for this documentary film project, it was my pleasure to assemble four critical resource persons under the leadership of Diaspora Industrialist and Author, Dr John C. George, to provide penetrating insights into how far Nigeria has come on Diaspora Voting. The discussants equally delved into what exactly needs to happen to make Diaspora Voting happen. The outcome is a unique cross-fertilisation of ideas.

Nigerian Diaspora Voting may be a long time in coming but it no longer is a matter of if it will happen. It is now a question of when.

Africa’s Justifiable Coups

Military coups in Africa over the decades

I was barely 6 months old when in January 1966, the first military seizure of power took place in my birth country Nigeria. Some 34 years thereafter, military rule held sway in Africa’s most populous nation. To a large extent, I could be rightly described not only as a ‘Warchild’ but also as a product of a military environment. To say the least, it is traumatising and perhaps psychologically deforming.

Outside textbook theories of the meaning of democracy, our generation of Nigerians only started learning in practical terms what true democracy is all about as from 1999. Some of us are adaptable but for very many of us, in our mid to late 30s, it was too late. Brut force, getting things the hard way, lack of inner peace, violence, aggression, and other vices had formed or deformed our psych. But not all of us!

While some of us believe these vices are normal, others consider them grossly abnormal. So we understand it when both young and old take to the streets embracing the military because they said they are the new messiahs that will bring them the good life, the prosperity that has eluded them for way too long.

When Bob Marley of blessed memory talked about chasing away the crazy baldheads out of the town, I now know that he was talking of no other than these African leaders that have determined that the children of Africa will not see or know peace.

The list is a mixed bag ranging from the often revered Gadaffi, who took over power by force, hung in there for 42 years and died in there rather than give power up. We can’t forget Omar Bongo either who stayed in for over four decades. Obiang is doing 44 years and counting while preparing his son, the Vice President to step in at any given moment. What about Museveni who has spent 38 years so far and won’t tolerate any opposition? We can’t loose sight of Paul Biya, can we? He’s been around as President for over 40 years and counting. But for a 4 year hiatus, Dennis Sassou Nguesso has held sway for 39 years. There are also the emerging oligarchs like Paul Kegame and Ali Bongo who have by one crooked means or the other have made the rulership of their fatherland a personal estate.

Do these abnormalities justify disruption of constitutional orders? No, not at all! While some of us maintain that coup is and remains an aberration, we understand the psychology of those who applaud the military boys for stepping in. The cliché that those who make peaceful coexistence difficult only makes violent dissent inevitable, comes handy here.

In all of these, some interesting queries around reshaping the world order are emerging. A couple of key emerging question are how well for Africa Western democracy is for the continent given that it was a forced system? Also how do you deal with neo-imperialism and its impact in retarding Africa’s growth? These are all germane issues worthy of interrogation but they should not be mixed up with the menace of power seizure with the barrels of the gun. These must be handled in isolation from the other even as closely related as they are.

To demonstrate the nature of coup as an aberration, there’s often a denial by ‘coupists’ that they committed a coup. An instance was in 2017 when in Zimbabwe, a military takeover brought Robert Mugabe’s 37-year rule to an end. Major General Sibusiso Moyo, who was one of the masterminds of the operation, appeared on television at the time, flatly denying it was a military takeover. In April 2021 after the death of the Chadian leader, Idriss Déby, the army installed his son as interim president, leading a transitional military council. His opponents called it a “dynastic coup” not a classic coup!

Two US researchers, Jonathan Powell and Clayton Thyne probably has the most plausible explanation for this denial when they concluded that coup leaders almost invariably deny their action was a coup in an effort to simply appear legitimate. One illegitimacy can not correct another or a hundred illegitimate actions.

My realist friend and comrade, Adetunji Omotola’s bluntness on this matter of coup in Africa is a truism that stirs us all in the face when he asserted that he sees all dictatorships collapsing this year with military take over of power. Irrespective of which side of the divide one is, there is perhaps a silent realisation that the soldiers might have naturally been assigned the role by Bob Marley of chasing the crazy baldheads out of town.

Reflections out of Father’s Day

It took till late morning before we finally crawled out of bed after reviewing and sending a few enquiries over WhatsApp and receiving one or two calls.

One of the enquiries in particular was seeking permission to republish an interview I had back in February 2017 by Arukaino Umukoro of Sunday Punch Nigeria on Fatherhood:

Raising kids in Europe is challenging – Nweke.

I was flattered to read that this particular online media was keen to republish the interview as their lead article on the occasion of Father’s Day. I got even more flattered to learn that since its debut, the piece had been republished hundreds of times by different media outlets. Nice to know that people take active interest on the subject of fatherhood! And that my experience could be an inspiration to young fathers like those I fathered.

We shared the kitchen, Tonia and I, although at a point I was basically chased into a corner of the dining table while her preparation of moi-moi took all available spaces. The deal was for each one of us to make her / his favourite dish for Father’s Day.

I chose to make my Giant Meat Pie and Tonia, her Nigerian beans-cake, Moi-Moi. Yummy 😋

Just as I was putting on records that if the Giant Meat Pie turned out bad, it has to be because she dominated the kitchen, I felt a hand on my shoulder “Happy Father’s Day Daddy. How much longer will lunch take?” Meanwhile the oven had only just been pre-heated.

Everyone loved both delicacies or so my polite family said. The rest of the day was between my TV sofa, the fridge and the dinning room. Call it an ideal Father’s Day!

HAPPY FATHER’S DAY TO ALL YOU FATHERS OUT THERE AND SOME MOTHERS WHO FOR WHATEVER REASONS ARE ALSO PLAYING FATHER ROLES TOO!

http://punchng.com/raising-kids-europe-challenging-nweke/