Tag: policy

ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW

In this open letter to the Chairman, House Committee on Diaspora, Hon. Sir Tochukwu Okere, he was charged by Collins Nweke to address the Elephant in the room, which is how he wishes history to remember his Chairmanship.

As you settle into office, Honourable House Committee Chairman, Sir Tochukwu Okere, I note with optimism that you have commenced a consultation round with Diaspora Stakeholders. This can only mean that you have a desire to understand the Diaspora landscape, know the issues and challenges as well as the opportunities and prospects. This is normal approach. But not in Nigeria! Take it from a confirmed source that as basic as this gesture is, those before you have never taken off in this manner. In Nigeria, we are used to commending people for doing the job for which they are paid. I’m sure you don’t want me to do that. Instead let me congratulate you for a start on your new appointment.

I want this note to be as brief as possible. I will therefore be short on details and precise on facts but ready to engage further in areas requiring expatiation. To provide the basis for the dynamics that led us to where we are on Nigerian Diaspora affairs and to where we are going, I will crave your indulgence to precede it with a paintbrush of the Pre-2000 era.

Pre-2000 Era of Nigerian Diaspora Affairs

Historically, the first poll of Nigerian Diaspora left the shores of the country for study purposes. Vast majority returned; a few stayed back for family reasons, including marriage to host country nationals, raising a family, and career related matters. The initial poll of migration out of Nigeria was added to by the civil war induced migration, some forced, others sponsored again for study purposes. Return and remain pattern, post studies was same as the pioneer group. Forced migration linked to military misrule, economic hardship, could be considered as the third wave of Nigerian Diaspora build-up in Europe and the United States. This was underscored by Nigerian exiles, fugitives, refugees and asylum seekers.

The major take away from this Nigerian Diaspora era is that these sojourning citizens were loosely organised along ethnicity, political, and pressure group lines. There was no formal link with the Government of Nigeria. Understandly so because of the low trust level or complete absence of it. The infamous Umaru Dikko London abduction saga explains enough. 

Post-2000 Era

Following the return to civil rule after the 1999 elections, there was a realisation of the quantum and quality of Nigerian Diaspora across the globe. A major characteristic of the group is that they were still organised along ethnicity and interests. In itself, not a huge problem except that they were often in competition, not collaboration, with one another. There was also absence of a formal channel of communication with Government. Given the deep division within the Diaspora on how to be formally organised, the touring President-Elect, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, decided to have series of Millennial Assemblies of Nigerians in the Americas and in Europe on assumption of office. The two main questions to resolve were: should Government adopt / recognise a single existing organisation as the official partner of government on Diaspora affairs or make a clean start with a new entity? The verdict of the Conferences attended by thousands of Nigerians anxious for a reinvigorated engagement with fatherland was overwhelmingly to make a clean start. There lies the birth of Nigerians in Diaspora Organisation (NIDO).

The challenges

The establishment of NIDO quickly threw up a few challenges, some of which are inevitable while others are man-manufactured and therefore avoidable.

For a start, some strong influential, perhaps recalcitrant voices against establishment of NIDO never gave up their opposition, despite the fact that the decision was a democratically and organically taken one. The NIDO opposition group was joined by some early NIDO enthusiasts who could not play the NIDO democratic politics, having gotten used to the partriarchic organising model prevalent in community organisations. They felt more comfortable opting out of NIDO to compete with it. Government officials and political office holders tasked with supporting NIDO or mandated to do so equally have pro-NIDO and anti-NIDO forces.

The most important conclusion to draw at this point is that the best performing Chapters of NIDO are in jurisdictions where there is a supportive Ambassador. Ukraine and later Switzerland  come to mind. NIDO is also known to have made the most progress in times when political office holders underwrite the notion of relating with NIDO as the official body and encouraging other groups to collaborate rather than compete with it. We must equally take something away from the fact that the passage of the Act for the establishment of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) into law (a Bill) took place during the 8th Assembly under a House Committee Chairman that honoured without reservation, government policy of establishing a formal channel of communication with the Diaspora through NIDO.

The elephant in the room 

I make bold to ask, Honourable Chairman House Committee on Diaspora, how do you wish to be remembered? This question is the elephant in the room. There are two broad  options open to you, organisationally and legislatively, if you ask me.

On the organisational side of the ledger, you could have your time in office be associated with an era in Nigerian history that got the Nigerian Diaspora equitably organised. Yes, NIDO is as of today the official representative of the Diaspora but who says that the representation as it is today is cast in concrete and can’t be reviewed and made more wholesome for Nigeria. I’m sure your round of consultations is giving you indications of necessary reforms. Is there a reason your time in office can’t be credited with transparently organising the Diaspora table boldly and audaciously? Yours must be an era when a political office holder is a Diaspora galvaniser rather than a champion of divide and rule. Your era could be one that sees an organised Diaspora population not as a threat to your personal ambitions but a value adding asset to Nigeria.

On the legislative side of the ledger, history beckons you my Honourable Chairman House Committee on Diaspora to end the current impunity and rascality whereby the Bill establishing the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission stipulates that there shall be a Board with 12 Diaspora members yet four years since its establishment, no such Board exists. Maintaining a cordial working relationship with NIDCOM is absolutely desirable for your Committee but so too is a good relationship with the target group of the policy you are meant to provide oversight for. You must resist any attempt by any side of these entities to pitch you against the other. You need no permission from NIDO to relate with NIDCOM and vice versa. Your independence of mind and thought in the execution of your oversight function will be critical to your success as Chairman House Committee on Diaspora. 

Still on the legislative plank, I am aware that most people anchor their arguments for Diaspora Voting on the US$23 Billion (on the average) of annual Diaspora Remittances. While this is substantial, Diaspora remittance remains today a welfare, consumption capital. As House Chair you can change that into investment capital through bonds, infrastructure investment fund, and so forth. Beyond that, I happen to believe that the strongest argument for Diaspora Voting is that not making it happen is antithetical to democracy, if not an affront to the rule of law. Making it happen will equally help to unlock the hidden potentials for accelerating national development of Nigeria using the assets that the Diaspora brings to the table. Above all, history will have your name and those of your House Committee members engraved in gold if the 10th Assembly by your intentional leadership makes Diaspora Voting a reality.

Collins Nweke was Chief Executive of Nigerian Diaspora Organisation Europe prior to serving as Board Chairman 2011 – 2013. A current third term Green Municipal Legislator for Social Affairs at the Ostend City Council, Belgium, he is an Opinion Maker columnist of The Brussels Times and Foreign Policy Commentator / Global Affairs Analyst with a host of Afrocentric media houses. A Fellow & Vice President of the International Association of Research Scholars & Administrators, Collins is also a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Public Management of Nigeria.

Where is the African Interests in the US-China Battle for Influence?


US Secretary Of State, Antony Blinken has been back in Africa since Sunday 21 January 2024, for a week visit. Nigeria is one of his four planned stops.

Key question in the lips of Africa watchers is if Blinken Africa shuttle diplomacy is out of love for Africa? I’d say Nope!👎🏾 It can only be out of protection of America’s interests & investments, obviously!👍🏾
And Africa’s interests? Who’s protecting those? Certainly not its leaders, if they even know what Africa’s interests are… that is! Except for a tiny few.

I had a short interaction with Television Continental TVC anchor, Precious Amayo, around how Nigeria could derive its best interests. I even attempted a couple of suggestions.

In doing so, I reminded myself of an ongoing conversation at a Think Tank I am associated with, People Expertise & Excellence Foundation (PEEF) under the leadership of Dr. MUSA RABIU, FCIPM about the prospect of Nigeria commencing manufacture of Military Hardware at its Ajaokuta Steel Plant.

I was quick to assert that in the battle between the US & China over influence in Africa, the continent ought not have a dog in that fight. There ought to be sufficient space for all in a potentially prosperous Africa. Not Turkey, not Russia and others with eyes on the raw materials, minerals, and young human capital of Africa, should be ignored.

African Governments, especially led by Nigeria, must undertake a value analysis to determine their advantageous positioning with the US & China, as both powers battle for influence over Africa.

Ajaokuta Steel Plant Nigeria in its planned commencement of manufacturing of Military Hardware for instance, could become an almost insatiable market for weapon spare parts for America’s weapon industry?

Just thinking aloud…🤔 in this interview on TVC

The Union Now in Bed with its 23 Million Third-Country Nationals

The European Union (EU) has taken a significant step towards fostering a more inclusive and welcoming environment for third-country nationals within its borders. EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which establishes the criteria for non-EU citizens to acquire long-term resident status within the EU.

In a significant move, EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which outlines the criteria for third-country nationals to acquire long-term resident status within the bloc. The proposed updates include a more flexible approach to residency requirements, targeted integration measures, and enhanced intra-EU mobility. These changes are expected to benefit millions of third-country nationals living in the EU.

Major Highlights of EU Long-Term Residency Rules

1. Streamlined Residency Requirements

The proposed updates introduce a more flexible approach to residency requirements, allowing third-country nationals to accumulate residence periods of up to two years in other EU Member States to meet the overall five-year residency requirement. This provision aims to ease the path to long-term resident status for individuals who have moved within the EU for work or study purposes.

Long-term resident status is permanent. However, it can be withdrawn in certain cases, for instance, when a person has not had their main residence in the EU for a certain period of time.said EU Council

2. Targeted Integration Measures

The directive emphasizes the importance of integration for long-term residents, encouraging Member States to implement integration measures tailored to specific needs and circumstances. These measures may include language courses, cultural orientation, and civic education.

3. Enhanced Intra-EU Mobility

EU long-term residents will continue to enjoy the right to intra-EU mobility, enabling them to move and reside in other EU Member States for work, study, or other purposes. However, this right remains subject to certain conditions, such as labour market assessments by Member States to ensure that their domestic labour markets are not negatively impacted.

This right to intra-EU mobility is not an automatic right but is subject to a number of conditions. Such a condition is that member states may assess the situation of their national labour markets in case an EU long-term resident moves to their country from another EU member state for work.

4. Enduring Rights and Protections

Once granted, long-term resident status is permanent, providing individuals with long-term stability and security of residence within the EU. However, the directive also outlines specific circumstances under which this status may be withdrawn, such as prolonged absences from the EU or engagement in activities that threaten public security or order. By streamlining residency requirements, promoting integration, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive aims to empower non-EU citizens to contribute meaningfully to EU society and achieve their full potential.

Data Snapshot

According to Eurostat data, as of the end of 2020, approximately 23 million third-country nationals were legally residing in the EU, accounting for 5.1% of the EU population. Among these individuals, over ten million held a long-term permanent residence permit. These figures underscore the growing role of non-EU citizens within the EU’s social fabric.

Conclusion

The proposed updates to the EU Long-Term Resident Status Directive represent a significant step forward in promoting integration and mobility for third-country nationals within the EU.

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasising integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Inspired by an article by: Manish Khandelwal | Photo Credit: Freepik

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasizing integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Partnerships for Achieving Nigerian Diaspora Voting

Providing editorial consultancy for this documentary film project, it was my pleasure to assemble four critical resource persons under the leadership of Diaspora Industrialist and Author, Dr John C. George, to provide penetrating insights into how far Nigeria has come on Diaspora Voting. The discussants equally delved into what exactly needs to happen to make Diaspora Voting happen. The outcome is a unique cross-fertilisation of ideas.

Nigerian Diaspora Voting may be a long time in coming but it no longer is a matter of if it will happen. It is now a question of when.

Postcard from Brussels on President Buhari U.S. State Visit

Belgium became my adopted home over 20 years ago. Since the last 9 years when I went into party politics, I have maintained a routine of coming together with friends, Africans and Europeans, on the eve of the National Day, which is 21 July, for a drink and a chat. This routine has slowly graduated to a tradition. I’d normally use the occasion to feel the political pulse of friends and take home some useful hints. How we are faring in the local legislature was always the overarching questions for me as we converge? However the drink and chat this year was different for two reasons. One, our drink was preceded by what the organizers called ‘Wake-Keeping for Greece’. I was invited as Municipal Legislator to deliver a short speech at the gathering meant to show solidarity for Greece on its current economic tribulations. Two, ninety per cent of our conversation centered, not on Belgian national issues, but curiously on Nigeria, my country of birth. In specific terms we talked about ongoing State Visit of President Muhammadu Buhari to the United States, the same topic that had engaged me and a think-tank of Nigerians over the social media in the last week heightening a few hours before our drinks commenced.

I thought it meant sense to send this postcard to Mr President and people of Nigeria to summarize the preoccupations of people out here about Nigeria. Nearly 48 hours into what is meant to be a 96 hour official visit by President Muhammadu Buhari, there has not been visible international media coverage of a trip sold to Nigerians as ‘historic’. It should have been historic because it is Mr President’s first major state visit since assuming office about 2 months ago. My folks here seem to believe that the visit is indeed historic but for the wrong reasons. A European student of contemporary African history and an avid watcher of Nigeria said he couldn’t immediately recall any previous first State Visit in recent history that appears to lack this much vision and focus. I was at a lost for a response when asked what the strategic intent of the visit was. What is historic about this State Visit?

I attempted a response based on available media briefing from Mr President’s team and indeed in line with popular and reasonable expectations. The economy was meant as one of the major focus of this state visit. Indeed President Buhari is also expected to make public addresses at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Washington DC and at the Corporate Council on Africa to discuss international investment and Nigeria’s economy. The question that begs answer is how many members of the robust Nigerian Chambers of Commerce are in the delegation? Which business leaders of note are in the Presidential delegation? One is keen to know if Mr President shares the view that the most critical aspect of Nigeria’s economic concerns at present is economic diversification, away from the monolithic oil revenue. Which experts in economic diversification theory and professionals are in the delegation?

On the political side of things, we were told by the media team of Mr President that U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, and the U.S. Congressional Committees on Foreign Relations will also receive President Buhari to discuss political ties between the United States and Nigeria. The Congressional Black Caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives will meet with members of Nigeria’s delegation as well. One astute Buhari supporter who jokingly said during the election campaign that Nigerians must vote anybody but Goodluck Jonathan felt strongly that it is only normal that for Nigeria to derive the best return on investment for this trip, members of Nigerian Legislature should have been part of the delegation even if there is a face-off between them and Mr President. If I ever get to see Mr President, he told me, I would probably ask him to consider sharing with me the rationale behind the exclusion of National Assembly (NASS) members in his delegation to the U.S. When asked, I had nothing to say except to deny that the President’s actions could have been dictated by bad blood between him, Senate President, House Speaker and other Legislators because of the way they ganged up against his party’s choices for the top positions in the NASS. Mr President, please tell me that I am right!

Closely related is the concern that any deal reached by Mr President with both President Obama and the Congressional leadership would have to be ratified by the same Nigerian Legislators that have been excluded. Characteristic of these Belgian friends out here, is how they can put you on the spot with very uncomfortable questions. And directly too! This one got me struggling: could it be that considering the majority lead of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the upper and lower Houses, an easy ratification by the NASS of any agreement reached by Mr President during this visit with U.S. Congress may be expected? If so, shouldn’t we be concerned that our Legislators would be ratifying an Agreement on a position of weakness and lack of knowledge? How good is this in developing the legislative capacity of Nigerian Legislators? These guys could be polite as well because I believe the question they are not asking, out of politeness, I think is: for how long will Nigeria put up with Legislators who have no clue of what is going on at the floor of their legislative Chambers?

Getting mildly irritated, I told my pals that I am conscious of the fact that this administration came into power on a promise of change. And for heaven’s sake, they have been in power for just 2 months and it’s unfair to expect magic as of yet. In a somber tone, the otherwise loud chap behind me in the bar, bent over, his neck slightly bent and almost whispering reminded me that Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of Greece took only a week or so to constitute his cabinet. That aside, he asked if I was willing to swear on the head of my first son (he understood the place of first sons in my culture) that the few appointments so far made and the composition of the delegation to the U.S. were based on meritocracy? Do you now support political patronage, against the gospel you preach to us in the City Council because it’s about Nigeria, he asked, a bit agitated. I retorted that a selection based on who represents a better comparative advantage for the nation is my preference and I have no evidence that the President has done things differently here.

I send this postcard conscious of the fact that Mr President has information that I am not privy to, which may have dictated his plans and actions but I felt a sense of responsibility, maybe obligation, to convey these raw thoughts considering that I am unable to reconcile a few available and obvious facts with the principles of good governance and strategic planning. It should be noted that friends of Nigeria, but particularly its critiques need to gain deeper understanding of the rationale behind the policy path Nigeria chooses to walk so that proffering constructive solutions for the plethora of issues retarding Nigeria’s national growth, could be made easier.

Brussels, Belgium 22 July 2015

 

Collins Nweke is Municipal Legislator at Ostend City Council Belgium and former Chairman of Nigerians in Diaspora Europe

Greece under radical left: a start for EU reform?

greece in eurozone

At breakfast on Sunday, 25 January 2015, I made a remark to the effect that it is the big day for the Greeks. My son made a passing response about his distaste for political extremism, be it on the left, or on the right of the political divide. He is 20 years old, a bachelor’s student of Social Work, passively but maybe inevitably interested in politics. Inevitably perhaps because he and his brother couldn’t possibly escape my constant political jabbing and therefore have to deal or contend with me. His comment reminded me of several Brookings Institute analyses that I have been reading in the last several weeks on the Greek elections. Following his comment, my boy and I had quite a chat, with his mum more or less as the perfect umpire. Shortly I shall let you into the outcome of the debate with him but allow me in the time being to let you into the thoughts that preoccupied the guys at Brookings.

I am unsure if this is representative of a broad U.S. perspective, but the key question at Brookings seemed to be whether a radical left victory in Greece will reignite the euro crisis, producing recession in Europe and some level of financial instability and slower growth in the U.S. While they thought this is unlikely, they felt it is a possibility. They played with a number of scenarios but settled for the view that a Syriza (Greek radical left party) victory would be the worst possible outcome from the point of view of the rest of Europe. They added a prediction that there will be considerable turmoil in the months to come,  though terrible outcomes will likely be avoided, ultimately. These thoughts and more shaped my mind as I set the Sunday breakfast table, invited my folks, took a place on the table and thought aloud by way of the remark I made that prompted the debate.

I didn’t think that a Student Social Worker would be moved by the economic arguments surrounding Greece. I thought I might just demonstrate my point if I built my case around the wrong economic choices made, misplaced policy decisions taken, among others. These had resulted in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis in Greece. I illustrated the crisis with two examples: over 40% of young Greek graduates can’t find jobs. Those who were initially under-employed eventually joined the joblessness. The zeal to undertake higher education was very low amongst the teenage Greek sons and daughters. Those who managed to stay in school had to study, not with their reading table alight with electricity but with candles because a serious austerity measure meant that electricity supply became a luxury rather than a necessity. I thought I managed to make the case that the situation at present is exceptional and extraordinary. Mainstream, everyday solution and policies won’t do it. This I argued was the basis of my Sunday prayers that the radical left not only wins, but wins big. I smiled when my boy finally said he was convinced by my arguments.

Now the results are in and my prayers, not the vision I saw in a dream, as some New Age Pastors will claim, have been answered.  The radical left took 149 seats, just shy of the 151 they needed for an absolute majority. Within hours, they announced a coalition with the Independent Greeks, a right wing anti-austerity party, giving their government a clear majority.  The question is how founded is the fear of the guys at Brookings Institute? Is the radical left victory a threat or opportunity for Greece and for Europe? My friend, Bart Staes, a three-term Member European Parliament, with whom I stood on the list in the May 2014 European Parliamentary elections, had released an unequivocal statement: ‘Syriza victory is an opportunity for robust Greek and European reforms’. I was also keen to know what my friend, an English Sociologist, based in Athens, whom I haven’t had contacts with in a while, thought about the situation in her adopted second home. She revealed that she reluctantly voted for the radical left. Reluctant because populism is not her cup of tea and she is curious to see if they can deliver. She, like many others were sick and tired of the old political ways. She’s reasonably confident about some able people with some experience who have joined the Syriza-led government. They do have the problem of the high expectations raised and pressures from supporters. She concluded that obviously the old system could not go further.  She also struck a note between caution and optimism ‘maybe they will play poker very well with the other Europeans and win a large gamble that some politicians realise  that the current system is not working for many in the EU especially in the Eurozone.

My English sociologist friend in Athens wasn’t particularly bouncing up and down with joy but I am! I am because like Bart Staes, I see this as a new start for Greece by getting rid of the old school.  Rather than the doomsday scenarios that some commentators have been painting, the victory of Syriza provides energy and optimism. Domestically one will hope that this wave of change will be the start of durable and robust reforms and greater social justice in Greece.  The incontestable fact of the Greek election result is that the vast majority of Greek citizens want progress, are impatient in their desire for genuine political reform and therefore want to break with an outdated, crippled political system where the oligarchs have basically ran the country aground.  Besides dismantling the ugly, capitalist fiscal and economic constructions of the oligarchy, that country has urgent need of fresh political ideas in the area of ​​sustainable economic development. Greece has enormous potential in terms of the generation of sustainable, renewable energy, sustainable agriculture and tourism.

I guess that the yardstick with which the radical left success will be measured is their ability to end the current humanitarian crisis in Greece. This will unavoidably go hand-in-hand with renegotiating economic policies with the governments of other Eurozone countries, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and any other external forces whose conditionalities have meant that Greek men, women and children have lost human dignity and are dropping dead bit by bit. This is certainly an Herculean task but not an impossible one. I contested the European parliamentary seat in May 2014 under a strong reformist agenda. Little wonder that rather than calling a halt to the radical change as started on Sunday, 25 January 2015 in Athens, I can only hope that similar wind of electoral revolution also blows into Madrid as well as in Rome. This appears to be the surest way to get the core Eurozone countries to get serious about renegotiating the terms of the EU social and economic policies.

Like I told my son at the Sunday breakfast table as the good people of Greece were going to the polls, the choice is between the far left and the far right. I hope that the established mainstream parties in Europe realise that the failure of Syriza through sabotage or other unholy means,  is tantamount to handing victory to the far right. I know it is a dilemma, the prospect is unpleasant but it is also about making a choice. The Greeks made their choice on Sunday. Hopefully Europe will make theirs too because this is about reorganising for a better and fairer Europe.

 

Collins NWEKE | Green Party Councillor at Ostend City Council Belgium

28 January 2015