BOOK LAUNCH OF THE CITY HE NEVER RETURNED TO By Ibekwe Paul Chukwuemeka

Keynote address delivered by Collins Nweke,
Global Affairs Analyst & Author, Economic Diplomacy of the Diaspora

Ladies and Gentlemen

Distinguished Guests
Members of the Literary Community
Friends of Nigeria
Fellow Africans
And lovers of ideas

Good evening.

It is both an honour and a profound responsibility to stand before you today to launch what I consider one of the most important Nigerian novels of recent years particularly out here in Belgium and Europe.

The City He Never Returned To is not simply a novel.

It is a mirror. It is a ledger. It is a conversation.

And perhaps most importantly, it is an invitation.

An invitation to revisit a chapter of our collective history that remains unfinished.

An invitation to imagine what healing might look like if we summoned sufficient courage to pursue it.

An invitation to move beyond remembrance toward repair.

Before I speak about this book, permit me a brief personal reflection.

I come to this conversation not merely as a reader, analyst, or keynote speaker. In more ways than one, I am a war child. When the Nigerian Civil War broke out, I was still a toddler. Like many children of that generation, my memories are not arranged as historical facts or political arguments. They survive instead as fragments: the anxiety in adult voices, the sudden silences when certain subjects arose, the cautious way people spoke about the future, and the lingering awareness that something profound had happened to our country and to the people around us.

As I grew older, I came to understand that while some people experienced the war on the battlefield, many of us experienced it in memory, in inheritance, and in its long shadows. We inherited stories. We inherited grief. We inherited caution. We inherited questions that were never fully answered.

That is why this novel resonates with me so deeply. I am not a distant observer looking back at history through the comfort of archives. I am part of a generation shaped by the afterlife of that history. A generation that grew up among survivors. A generation that learned that wars do not always end when the guns fall silent. Sometimes they continue quietly, in memory, in institutions, in relationships, and in the stories nations tell themselves about who belongs and who does not.

Perhaps that is why I find the central proposition of this book so compelling. It is not content merely to remember. It dares to ask what comes after memory. It dares to ask how a nation heals. It dares to ask how survival can become repair, and how repair can become renewal.

The author, Ibekwe Paul Chukwuemeka, tells us in his Author’s Note that this novel began not with a plot, but with a question:

“How does a nation live with a past that refuses to become past?”

That question sits at the heart of this remarkable work.

For many Nigerians, particularly those whose families carry memories of the civil war, the past has never truly become past.

It survives in silences. It survives in inherited fears. It survives in caution, in suspicion, in stories told under the mango trees, at the ogwa in the village square, around dining tables and family gatherings. It survives in memories that official history often struggles to accommodate.

What makes this novel extraordinary is that it refuses to become trapped in grievance. Instead, it dares to ask a more difficult question:

What comes after survival?

The Emeka Ibekwe’s answer is both bold and original.

He calls it “speculative repair.”

In his own words and I quote:

“What if we treated this national healing not as a mysterious affair of the heart, but as the most complex—and most worthy—engineering project of our lifetime?” Unquote

That single sentence may well become one of the defining intellectual contributions of this book.

Because throughout history, societies have often spoken about reconciliation as an emotional process.

But this novel challenges us to think differently. It suggests that healing is also institutional. That memory requires archives. That justice requires documentation. That reconciliation requires accountability. And that nation-building requires deliberate design.

As someone whose professional and intellectual life has increasingly focused on economic diplomacy, governance, and institutional development, I find this idea deeply compelling.

Nations do not become stronger because they forget. They become stronger because they learn how to remember responsibly. That is why one of the central symbols in this novel is not a weapon. Not a politician. Not even a battlefield.

It is a ledger.

The ledger carried by Okechukwu Nwankwo, whose character or persona is recognisable in the Okey be anyi  of our different families.

A simple book of records. A record of assets. A record of losses. A record of names. A record of existence itself.

At one point in the novel, Okechukwu says:

“If we lose the record of what we have, we lose the proof of who we are.”

That statement speaks not only to one family. It speaks to nations. Because nations, too, require ledgers. Ledgers of truth. Ledgers of memory. Ledgers of accountability.

Without them, history becomes vulnerable to manipulation. And societies become vulnerable to repetition.

One of the most moving passages in the book appears in the dedication where the author writes:

“The opposite of war is not just peace, but the difficult, daily work of building something worthy of the survivors.”

Allow me to repeat that:

“The opposite of war is not just peace, but the difficult, daily work of building something worthy of the survivors.”

That is a profound political statement. And perhaps an even deeper moral one. Because too often we celebrate the end of conflict while neglecting the harder work that follows. The work of rebuilding trust. The work of rebuilding institutions. The work of rebuilding relationships. The work of rebuilding shared futures.

The Emeka (the author) reminds us that survival alone is not enough.

A nation owes its survivors something more. It owes them dignity. It owes them recognition. It owes them inclusion. And it owes future generations a better inheritance.

What particularly impressed me about this novel is that it refuses easy binaries.

It does not seek to inflame. It seeks to understand. It does not seek victory. It seeks healing.

It does not seek separation. It seeks a stronger basis for coexistence.

In the Introduction, the author writes:

“You cannot repair what you will not first acknowledge.”

This is true of families. It is true of institutions. And it is true of nations.

Across the world, societies that have successfully confronted difficult histories have not done so by pretending those histories never happened.

They have done so by acknowledging them honestly. Germany did not become stronger by forgetting. South Africa did not become stronger by denying. Rwanda did not become stronger by silence.

Every society that has healed has first found the courage to look directly at its wounds.

Nigeria is no exception.

Yet the beauty of this novel is that it does not stop at diagnosis. Many books tell us what is broken. Few attempt to imagine what repair might look like.

This one does.

And that is why I believe The City He Never Returned To belongs to an emerging tradition of literature that does more than remember history.

It seeks to shape the future.

As a first-generation Nigerian migrant who has spent decades living in Europe while remaining emotionally, intellectually, and professionally connected to Nigeria, I found another aspect of this book deeply resonant.

The author writes from Brussels. He writes from distance. Yet he writes with intimacy.

He demonstrates that distance need not diminish belonging. Indeed, sometimes distance sharpens perspective. Sometimes it allows us to see patterns that proximity obscures. Sometimes it allows us to imagine possibilities that entrenched positions dismiss.

The diaspora has often been described as a source of remittances. This novel reminds us that the diaspora is also a source of ideas. A source of memory. A source of imagination. And sometimes, a source of national self-reflection.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

At its core, this book is an act of hope. Not naïve hope. Not sentimental hope. But disciplined hope. The kind of hope that understands pain. The kind of hope that acknowledges loss. The kind of hope that recognises injustice. Yet still chooses to believe in the possibility of a shared future.

The author closes his introduction with these words:

“The discussion begins not in the halls of power, but in the imagination.”

How true. Every institution was once an idea. Every policy was once a conversation. Every reform was once an act of imagination. And every better future begins with someone daring to imagine it.

Tonight, Ibekwe Paul Chukwuemeka (simply Emeka to us his friends) has done precisely that.

He has given us more than a novel. He has given us a framework for conversation. A vocabulary for healing. A language of repair. And a challenge. The challenge is whether we are prepared to engage honestly with the questions he raises.

Whether we are prepared to move from memory to understanding. From understanding to empathy. From empathy to repair. And from repair to renewal.

I congratulate the author for this remarkable achievement.

I commend Akajiofo Press for bringing this important work into the public domain. And I encourage every reader not merely to read this book, but to study it, and to  wrestle with it.

Discuss it. Debate it. Question it.

Because the future it imagines ultimately belongs not to the author alone, but to all of us.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is with great pleasure that I formally present and celebrate the launch of The City He Never Returned To.

May it travel widely. May it provoke thought. May it inspire dialogue.

And may it contribute, in its own important way, to building a Nigeria, and indeed an Africa, worthy of those who survived, and worthy of those yet to come.

Thank you.

God bless Nigeria. God bless Africa.

And God bless the power of literature to help us imagine a better future.

Brussels, Saturday 20 June 2026

A Trilogy on Why Governance and Economic Statecraft Matter

For decades, governance and economic diplomacy were treated as separate disciplines. Governments governed. Diplomats attracted investment. Development agencies pursued growth.

That distinction is rapidly disappearing.

In this three-part Proshare essay series, I explore why the future of economic development, particularly in Nigeria, will increasingly be shaped not only by national governments but by states and their leaders.

Part One: From Gateway to Factory Floor argues that investment competition has become fundamentally subnational. Increasingly, investors are asking not whether to invest in Nigeria, but where in Nigeria to invest.

Part Two: Why Sub-National Economic Diplomacy Will Define Nigeria’s Next Investment examines why states must become active participants in economic diplomacy, competing not merely with one another but with provinces and regions across Asia, Europe, and Latin America for capital, talent, technology, and partnerships.

Part Three: The Governor as Chief Economic Diplomat: A New Leadership Model for Nigerian States proposes a new leadership paradigm, one in which governors are measured not only by infrastructure commissioned, but by investment attracted, jobs created, exports expanded, and global partnerships secured.

Drawing on nearly three decades of experience in municipal governance and my work in international trade and investment promotion through the Nigeria Belgium Luxembourg Business Forum, the trilogy offers a practitioner’s perspective on a simple but increasingly important proposition.

Encouragingly, these ideas are already beginning to find institutional expression. Following the publication of the series, the Chartered Institute of Public Management of Nigeria has approved a pioneering Master Class in Economic Diplomacy for Public Managers, leading to the designation Certified Public Manager in Economic Diplomacy (CPMED). The initiative reflects a growing recognition that public managers must increasingly think beyond administration alone and embrace investment promotion, trade facilitation, partnership building, diaspora engagement, and global competitiveness as integral elements of modern governance.

Governance and economic statecraft are no longer separate disciplines. The most successful states of the future will be those whose leaders understand how to connect local opportunity with global possibility.

I am pleased to share the complete trilogy and look forward to the conversations and practical reforms it may inspire.

The UK-Nigeria Migration Pact: Strategic Diplomacy or a Missed Opportunity for Human Capital?

The recent “strengthening” of the Migration, Justice, and Home Affairs (MJHA) partnership between the United Kingdom and Nigeria marks a pivotal, yet contentious, moment in Afro-British relations. Billed as a “landmark” in security cooperation, the deal introduces the “UK Letter”, dressed up as a mechanism allowing the UK Home Office to bypass traditional passport bottlenecks for removals, alongside a “Fusion Cell” to combat visa fraud.

While the optics suggest a robust defense of sovereign borders, a deeper policy analysis reveals a framework that is increasingly out of sync with the global shift toward Economic Migration Management. For a partnership that claims to be “forward-looking,” it remains stubbornly anchored in the mechanics of removal rather than the dynamics of human capital.

The Asymmetry of the “Security-First” Model

On the surface, the MJHA is presented as a reciprocal arrangement. However, the benefits are fundamentally asymmetrical. The UK gains a fast-track solution to a domestic political pressure point; the visibility of “failed” migration; while Nigeria receives vague assurances regarding business visa streamlining.

As a migration advocate, one must ask: is Nigeria merely serving as an enforcement arm for the UK Home Office? By facilitating the removal of thousands without addressing the structural drivers of their movement, we are treating the symptoms of a global economic disparity while ignoring the disease.

Shifting the Paradigm: Lessons from the ‘Arraigo’ and ‘Chancenkarte’

To move toward a more statesmanlike discourse, we must look to European neighbours who are pioneering more sophisticated, “rooting-based” models.

·      Spain’s Arraigo (Social Rooting): Spain has recognized that after two to three years of residency, an individual is no longer just a “migrant” but a community member. Their model allows for the regularisation of status through employment, turning a “legal liability” into a Social Security-contributing asset.

·      Germany’s Chancenkarte (Opportunity Card): Germany is moving toward a points-based flexibility that allows migrants to “switch lanes” (Spurwechsel) from irregular status to work permits if they possess the skills the German economy lacks.

These are not “soft” policies. They are economically literate ones. They prioritise the fiscal contribution of the individual over the prohibitive cost of deportation flights and diplomatic friction.

A Blueprint for “Migration for Development”

Nigeria should not be a passive “returning partner.” A truly strategic partnership would advocate for a Global Skill Partnership (GSP).

In this model, the UK would invest in Nigerian vocational training, creating a “dual-track” system. One group of trainees remains to strengthen the Nigerian domestic market, while the other is granted a legal, streamlined pathway to the UK. This transforms the “brain drain” into a “brain gain,” ensuring that Nigeria’s human capital is developed, not just depleted. The initiative, SkillUp Nigeria can be a credible partner in this model.

Furthermore, we must discuss Regularisation for Remittance. With remittances to Nigeria exceeding $20 billion annually, the economic stability of millions of Nigerian households depends on the diaspora. Instead of mass removals, the UK should offer “probationary status” to non-criminal overstayers. This keeps the wheels of the Nigerian economy turning and saves the UK taxpayer the immense cost of enforcement.

In the final analysis, Nigeria and the UK must move from enforcement to engagement. The 2026 UK-Nigeria pact is a functional tool for border security, but it is not a vision for a shared future. If the UK and Nigeria are to be true strategic partners, they must move beyond the “UK Letter.”

We must demand a transition from Security-led Migration to Investment-led Migration. Security is a prerequisite for order, but human capital is the prerequisite for prosperity. A modern, statesmanlike approach would value the Nigerian migrant not by the speed of their departure, but by the potential of their contribution.

 Collins Nweke is the author of Economic Diplomacy of the Diaspora (2026) and Senior International Trade Consultant. He writes from Brussels, Belgium.

The Brussels Mission of Nigeria Must Become a Command Centre for Economic Diplomacy

by Collins Nweke

Belgium’s logistics power, Luxembourg’s financial strength, and the regulatory influence of the European Union make Brussels one of Nigeria’s most strategically important diplomatic postings. The challenge for Nigeria’s new envoy is to convert presence into economic and geopolitical influence. Because diplomacy today is no longer conducted only across negotiating tables, but across networks of trade, finance, technology, and people.

Diplomacy in the twenty-first century is no longer only about representation. It is increasingly about economic positioning. Nowhere illustrates this reality more clearly than Nigeria’s diplomatic mission to Belgium, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, and the European Union.

For many Nigerians, Brussels may appear as just another European capital where Nigeria maintains an embassy. In reality, it is one of the most strategically consequential diplomatic platforms Nigeria possesses anywhere in the world.

From trade logistics to financial capital and regulatory influence, the Brussels mission sits at the intersection of three powerful European systems that directly shape Nigeria’s economic future.

Brussels as Nigeria’s Triple Strategic Gateway

Nigeria’s envoy in Brussels operates within what may best be described as a triple gateway to Europe.

Belgium: Europe’s Logistics Platform

Belgium hosts one of the most important maritime trade hubs in the world. The Port of Antwerp-Bruges serves as a key entry point for goods moving into the European market.

For Nigeria, this port represents more than maritime infrastructure. It is a strategic corridor through which Nigerian exports, from agricultural products to petrochemicals, enter the broader European economy.

A proactive diplomatic strategy in Belgium can therefore directly influence Nigeria’s trade competitiveness in Europe.

Luxembourg: Global Capital Markets

Luxembourg, despite its small size, is one of the world’s most influential financial centres. It hosts one of the largest global investment fund industries and plays a leading role in sustainable finance.

As Nigeria seeks to diversify its economy and finance infrastructure development, Luxembourg offers access to sophisticated financial instruments including green bonds, blended finance structures, and climate investment platforms.

For Nigeria, the Luxembourg dimension of the Brussels mission represents an opportunity to connect diplomacy with global capital markets.

The European Union: Regulatory Powerhouse

The third pillar of the mission is the European Union itself.

EU policy decisions increasingly shape the rules governing global trade, digital markets, climate compliance, and supply-chain sustainability. Measures such as the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, for example, will have direct implications for African exporters.

Nigeria’s presence in Brussels must therefore go beyond ceremonial diplomacy. It must become an active platform for regulatory engagement and strategic dialogue with European institutions.

From Protocol Diplomacy to Economic Statecraft

If Nigeria is to maximise the strategic value of this mission, the embassy in Brussels must function less as a traditional diplomatic outpost and more as a hub of economic diplomacy.

Three areas deserve particular attention.

The Creative Economy Opportunity

Nigeria’s cultural industries, which include film, music, fashion, and digital media, have become global brands with strong commercial potential.

These sectors should be positioned within European markets not simply as cultural expressions but as high-growth investment ecosystems capable of attracting venture capital, distribution partnerships, and technology collaboration…

Economic diplomacy must learn to speak the language of culture as commerce.

Energy Transition and Climate Finance

Europe’s green transition is reshaping global energy markets. For Nigeria, the strategic challenge is to balance its role as a major natural gas supplier while also accelerating domestic renewable energy capacity.

Luxembourg’s financial ecosystem could provide a platform for structuring green financing instruments capable of supporting Nigeria’s long-term energy transition.

Handled strategically, diplomacy can help Nigeria convert climate pressure into investment opportunity.

Harnessing Diaspora Networks

Nigeria’s diaspora across Europe remains one of the country’s most underutilised strategic assets.

Highly skilled Nigerian professionals operate across European institutions, research centres, financial markets, and technology companies. Their networks represent a form of diplomatic capital that traditional embassies often fail to mobilise.

A forward-looking mission should treat the diaspora not merely as citizens abroad but as partners in economic diplomacy.

Five Strategic Priorities for Nigeria’s Brussels Mission

1. Trade Corridors

Deepen commercial engagement through the Port of Antwerp-Bruges as a gateway for Nigerian exports into European markets.

2. Financial Diplomacy

Leverage Luxembourg’s leadership in investment funds and green finance to support Nigeria’s infrastructure and renewable energy ambitions.

3. Regulatory Engagement

Strengthen Nigeria’s presence within EU policy conversations on trade, digital regulation, climate policy, and supply chains.

4. Creative Economy Promotion

Position Nigeria’s cultural industries—film, music, fashion, and digital media—as investment opportunities rather than cultural showcases.

5. Diaspora Economic Power

Treat the Nigerian diaspora in Europe as strategic partners capable of opening doors in business, academia, and policy networks.

The Narrative Challenge

Despite Nigeria’s economic scale and cultural influence, perceptions within Europe are often shaped by narratives centred on migration, governance challenges, and regional insecurity.

If Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement remains reactive, these narratives risk defining the entire relationship.

The more strategic approach is to reposition Nigeria as what it increasingly is: Africa’s largest economy, a major cultural exporter, and a critical geopolitical actor in West Africa.

This shift requires deliberate storytelling, sustained engagement with European policymakers, and strong partnerships with think tanks, business communities, and civil society networks.

A theme I explore in my recent book, Economic Diplomacy of the Diaspora, is that diplomacy in the twenty-first century must expand beyond state institutions to include networks of entrepreneurs, professionals, and communities operating across borders. Brussels provides precisely such an environment, where formal diplomacy intersects with business, finance, and diaspora influence. For Nigeria, leveraging these networks may prove just as important as the traditional tools of statecraft.

A Strategic Opportunity

Nigeria’s mission in Brussels stands at the crossroads of trade, finance, regulation, and diplomacy.

In many ways, it is less a conventional embassy and more a strategic command centre for Nigeria’s engagement with Europe.

The challenge now is to ensure that Nigeria’s presence in Brussels reflects the scale of its ambitions. When Europe debates Africa’s economic future, Nigeria should not merely be represented in the room. Nigeria should help shape the conversation.

Because in the diplomacy of the twenty-first century, influence is not measured only by embassies and protocol, but by the ability to turn networks into opportunity.

And few places offer Nigeria more opportunity to do so than Brussels.

Diplomacy, Perception, and the Berlin Question

by Collins Nweke

Diplomacy, Perception, and the Berlin Question
by Collins Nweke

I have read with great interest the thoughtful intervention by my longtime friend and associate, Frank Ofili, concerning the reported appointment of Femi Fani-Kayode as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Germany. His analysis rightly situates the issue within the broader intersection of diplomacy, history, and perception.

Many watchers will largely align with the thrust of Frank Ofili’s argument captioned FFK As Nigeria’s Ambassador to Germany: Diplomacy or Contradiction?

This is not a question of personalities or partisan loyalties. It is a question of diplomatic calibration the essence of which is the careful alignment between a nation’s envoy and the political sensitivities of the host country. In modern diplomacy, perception can sometimes matter as much as policy.

Germany’s Historical Sensitivity

Germany’s foreign policy posture cannot be understood outside the shadow of the Holocaust. Since the end of the Second World War, successive German governments have framed their relationship with Israel as a moral responsibility. Former Chancellor Angela Merkel captured this sentiment when she told the Knesset that Israel’s security formed part of Germany’s raison d’état. Her successor, Olaf Scholz, has reiterated this doctrine repeatedly.

For Berlin, support for Israel is not merely an element of foreign policy; it is embedded within the country’s historical conscience. It follows that diplomats posted to Berlin must operate within that unique political atmosphere. Any envoy whose past public commentary appears sharply critical of Israel may therefore face unusually intense scrutiny from German political circles, the media, and civil society.

How Berlin Might React

If the appointment proceeds, three arenas in Germany are likely to react quickly:

1. The German Media

Germany’s press culture is robust and investigative. Major newspapers such as Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Welt, and Süddeutsche Zeitung routinely examine the public records of incoming ambassadors.

Past statements by the envoy would likely be revisited, contextualised, and debated. This will particularly be so with those touching on Israel or Middle Eastern conflicts. This could frame the diplomatic narrative before the ambassador even presents credentials to the German President.

2. Political Establishment

Within the Bundestag, parties across the ideological spectrum, from the Christian Democrats to the Greens, maintain strong pro-Israel positions. Parliamentary committees dealing with foreign affairs could interpret prior anti-Israel rhetoric as diplomatically awkward.

While Germany would not ordinarily block an ambassadorial appointment, the tone of official engagement might initially become cautious or guarded.

3. Public and Academic Discourse

Germany’s policy ecosystem includes influential think tanks, foundations, and universities deeply engaged in Middle East policy debates. These institutions often shape elite opinion. Questions about the suitability of an envoy could easily enter these circles and amplify reputational concerns.

Possible Negative Fallout

Several practical consequences could emerge if the diplomatic optics become contentious:

1. Distraction from Strategic Priorities

Nigeria’s relationship with Germany spans trade, renewable energy, migration cooperation, technical training, and industrial investment. Diplomatic energy could be diverted from these priorities toward managing reputational controversies.

2. Reduced Informal Access

Diplomacy often advances through informal networks: private dinners, policy forums, quiet consultations. If an envoy begins his tenure under a cloud of controversy, elite access may initially narrow.

3. Media Framing of Nigeria

Unfortunately, international audiences often conflate the persona of an ambassador with the posture of the sending country. The debate may shift from the individual to Nigeria’s diplomatic judgment.

A Four-Point Mitigation Strategy

Even where concerns arise, diplomacy always offers pathways to recalibration.

1. Early Diplomatic Reset

The envoy could proactively signal respect for Germany’s historical sensitivities. A carefully framed public statement acknowledging Germany’s post-war moral commitments could help reset perceptions.

2. Focus on Economic Diplomacy

If the ambassador quickly pivots toward economic cooperation, including investment, green energy partnerships, vocational training, attention may gradually shift from controversy to practical collaboration.

3. Strategic Engagement with Think Tanks

Active participation in policy forums hosted by German foundations such as Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, and others could demonstrate intellectual seriousness and rebuild credibility.

4. Abuja’s Supporting Diplomacy

Nigeria’s foreign ministry could reinforce the relationship through high-level visits, trade missions, and bilateral initiatives that underline the strategic importance of the partnership.

The Abuja–Berlin Institutional Memory

It is also worth noting that the current Nigerian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, served previously as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Germany for nearly eight years across two diplomatic postings. This is an unusually long tenure in ambassadorial practice. That experience means he is intimately familiar with the political culture of Berlin, its policy ecosystem, and the sensitivities that shape German foreign policy debates. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the reported appointment of Femi Fani-Kayode could not have emerged entirely outside the awareness of the Foreign Ministry. One may legitimately ask: if reservations existed within the ministry, were they overridden, or were they perhaps judged manageable? It is equally conceivable that Abuja believes any potential diplomatic friction can be mitigated through careful calibration, leveraging the institutional relationships and goodwill built during Ambassador Tuggar’s long tenure in Berlin. For all we know, the groundwork for managing the optics may already be quietly underway.

The Larger Lesson

Nigeria has long been regarded as one of Africa’s diplomatic heavyweights. From the anti-apartheid struggle to peacekeeping across West Africa, Nigerian diplomacy has historically carried considerable moral and strategic weight.

That tradition places a premium on careful ambassadorial selection.

Diplomacy is ultimately the art of building bridges. The strength of those bridges often depends not only on national policy but also on the temperament, reputation, and symbolic alignment of those entrusted to represent the nation abroad.

When the host country is Germany, such alignment becomes even more consequential. Watcher always remind themselves that when it is about Germany, you are dealing with an EU superpower whose foreign policy remains deeply shaped by historical memory. Frank Ofili’s intervention therefore raises a legitimate question: not about loyalty or patriotism, but about strategic fit.

And in diplomacy, strategic fit is rarely a trivial matter.

 Collins Nweke is the author of Economic Diplomacy of the Diaspora (2026) and a columnist with Proshare Nigeria and The Brussels Times. He writes from Brussels.

Defending Belgian Sovereignty Without Escalation When Allies Overstep

Alliances do not suspend sovereignty. When foreign envoys pressure courts or politicise domestic debate, Belgium must respond with calm firmness — defending institutions without escalating conflict.

Belgium’s relationship with the United States is deep, strategic, and historically rooted. Allies, however, do not suspend the rules of diplomacy. They rely on them even more. That is why recent interventions by Bill White, the United States Ambassador to Belgium, have triggered justified concern, not because of the issues he raises, but because of how he raises them.

When an ambassador publicly urges Belgian authorities to drop an ongoing judicial case, labels domestic legal processes as discriminatory, and repeatedly inserts himself into live political debates, the issue ceases to be one of advocacy. It becomes one of interference. Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever was therefore measured but correct in stating that it is “not the ambassador’s job to constantly disrupt national politics.”

This is not a semantic disagreement. It is a constitutional one.

Diplomacy Has Rules Especially Among Allies

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations is explicit: diplomats must respect the laws of the receiving state and must not interfere in its internal affairs. That principle is not weakened by friendship; it is strengthened by it. An ambassador is accredited to the Belgian state, not to its prosecutors, courts, or party political debates.

Belgium’s judiciary is independent by design. Ministers cannot order cases dropped. Prosecutors do not take instructions from foreign envoys. To suggest otherwise, publicly and repeatedly, undermines confidence not only in Belgian institutions, but in the very rules-based international order that the United States has long claimed to champion.

This concern is not abstract. It resonates because similar episodes have unfolded elsewhere, including in Nigeria, where U.S. diplomatic commentary strayed into the terrain of domestic political contestation. A pattern begins to emerge: not an isolated misjudgment by one envoy, but a tolerance; if not encouragement; of megaphone diplomacy, where public pressure replaces discreet engagement.

From Diplomacy to Disruption

What distinguishes the current episode is its performative quality. Rather than pursuing concerns through Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the ambassador chose escalation by social media, press interviews, and public moral framing. Judicial procedures were recast as political signals. Disagreement was reframed as malice.

This approach imports culture-war logic into foreign policy: our framing is normative; your institutions must adjust. That may play well in domestic political theatres elsewhere, but it is ill-suited to a constitutional democracy like Belgium.

The danger is not only diplomatic irritation. If normalised, such behaviour invites reciprocity. If one ally publicly pressures courts abroad, others will follow. The result is erosion; slow but cumulative; of sovereign equality.

Belgium is right to resist this drift. The question is how to do so firmly, calmly, and strategically, without turning a boundary-setting exercise into an unnecessary rupture.

A Three-Lane Path to De-Escalation

Belgium has better options than silence on the one hand or escalation on the other. A structured, principled response can lower the temperature while restoring the rules.

Quiet firmness

First, boundaries must be restated. Privately, formally, and on the record. A diplomatic note reminding the embassy of Article 41 of the Vienna Convention is not confrontational. It is corrective. Belgium should insist that all concerns be channelled through institutional mechanisms, not public pressure campaigns.

Equally important is internal discipline: one coordinated government voice, no social-media diplomacy, no personalised sparring. Calm authority deprives disruption of oxygen.

Legal and technical pathways

Second, Belgium can separate policy discussion from judicial interference. Courts must be left alone. But broader questions can be addressed responsibly.

If there are concerns about public health, religious practice, or community reassurance, these belong in expert forums: medical authorities, religious leaders, child-welfare specialists, and legal scholars. Comparative reviews of how other European democracies regulate similar issues can be commissioned without reference to any specific case.

This creates a legitimate off-ramp: Belgium demonstrates seriousness, while making clear that prosecutions are not negotiable.

Alliance guardrails

Third, Belgium should situate the issue where it belongs. And that is within alliance norms. Quiet coordination with EU partners reduces the risk of bilateral pressure tactics. A formal request for clarification from Washington as to whether the ambassador’s statements reflect U.S. policy introduces accountability.

And finally, consequences must remain visible, even if unused. The Vienna Convention allows a receiving state to declare a diplomat persona non grata. That option should remain a last resort. But it must remain real. Boundaries only hold if they are enforceable.

Lessons From History

Diplomatic history is instructive here. States that rush to expulsions often trigger tit-for-tat retaliation and freeze dialogue, while states that tolerate repeated interference risk normalising it. The most effective responses tend to sit between these extremes: early firmness, procedural clarity, and graduated consequences.

There are instructive precedents. In several European capitals during the Cold War, allied diplomats who crossed into domestic political advocacy were quietly reminded of their remit through formal demarches and, where necessary, discreet requests for recall. These were steps that restored diplomatic balance without public rupture. More recently, when governments have moved too quickly to declare diplomats persona non grata, the result has often been reciprocal expulsions, hardened positions, and prolonged diplomatic chill, with little gain beyond symbolic satisfaction.

By contrast, where states have insisted, early and calmly, that concerns be channelled through foreign ministries rather than media platforms, and where judicial independence was non-negotiable but policy dialogue remained open, tensions have de-escalated. In such cases, recall or reassignment occurred quietly, relations stabilised, and institutional boundaries were reaffirmed.

The lesson is consistent across eras: de-escalation works best when it is structured, predictable, and rooted in established diplomatic procedure, not improvised under public pressure.

Sovereignty Is Not Hostility

Belgium’s position need not be anti-American to be pro-Belgian. On the contrary, insisting on respect for institutions is the most alliance-friendly posture available. Allies owe each other restraint.

Belgium can and should say this plainly: we will combat antisemitism with resolve; we will protect religious life within the law; and we will not politicise active judicial processes. Our courts are independent. Our ministers are not prosecutors. Our sovereignty is not a bargaining chip in anyone’s domestic political theatre.

That stance is not provocative. It is constitutional. And it is precisely because Belgium values its alliances that it must insist they be conducted within the rules.

Renewal of AGOA Is a Pause, Not a Reset

Following my discussion on TRT World on the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), one thing is clear: this decision restores trade flows, but it does not restore certainty.

The Trump administration’s late-night move reopens duty-free access for over 1,800 African products, ending months of uncertainty for exporters and manufacturers. Yet the renewal is best understood as a pragmatic holding action rather than a return to stable, long-term partnership.

A key point raised during the interview was whether Washington set aside political tensions, particularly with South Africa, which accounts for nearly half of AGOA trade volumes, in order to protect supply chains. The answer is largely yes, but not out of generosity. After more than two decades, AGOA supply chains are deeply embedded in US industries. Letting them collapse would have imposed real costs on American consumers and businesses. Trade pragmatism, in this case, prevailed over political signalling.

However, the extension only runs to year-end. While this prevents immediate disruption, it is insufficient to rebuild full business confidence. Companies invest on multi-year horizons. Short extensions stabilise existing operations but rarely unlock new capital or expansion. For African economies, this narrow window must be used strategically to strengthen compliance, diversify exports, and move further up value chains.

The most consequential signal accompanying the renewal is the insistence on “America First” reciprocity. As discussed in the interview, African markets are not opposed to reciprocity, but they are structurally constrained. Agriculture remains a major source of employment and social stability, and sudden exposure to heavily subsidised US farm products could be destabilising.

What is realistic is calibrated reciprocity: selective and phased market opening, paired with support for African agricultural productivity and value addition. This approach aligns development needs with US commercial interests.

Watch the interview on TRT World here

AGOA’s renewal is therefore neither a breakthrough nor a setback. It is a pause in a rapidly evolving global trade order, one that underscores how trade policy is increasingly transactional, conditional, and shaped by geopolitics. The real test is whether this temporary reprieve leads to a modernised, balanced partnership or simply postpones a deeper reckoning.

A Sovereign Pavilion with the Potential to Move Nigeria from Presence to Positioning

Each January, Davos becomes a mirror reflecting the anxieties of the global economy. The 2026 edition of the World Economic Forum is no different. While headlines have been dominated by U.S. President Donald Trump’s disruptive rhetoric, particularly his renewed talk of “purchasing” Greenland, the more consequential story lies elsewhere: a world economy struggling to maintain confidence amid geopolitical strain, fragmented trade relations, and heightened investment risk.

It is within this unsettled global context that Nigeria’s decision to inaugurate its first-ever sovereign pavilion at Davos; popularly branded Nigeria House; must be understood. For Africa’s largest economy, this is more than symbolic visibility. It is a strategic attempt to reposition Nigeria in the global marketplace for capital, partnerships, and influence.

Davos 2026: Why Dialogue Matters to Markets

The theme of Davos 2026, “A Spirit of Dialogue,” may sound diplomatic, but it carries a hard economic message. Dialogue today is not idealism; it is risk control. Markets price uncertainty quickly, and geopolitical tensions now translate directly into higher borrowing costs, disrupted supply chains, and delayed investment decisions.

For businesses and investors, the real question emanating from Davos is whether global leaders can prevent political rivalry from degenerating into economic fragmentation. In that sense, Davos 2026 is less about speeches and more about restoring a minimum level of predictability necessary for trade and investment to function.

Nigeria House: A Strategic Signal, Not a Ceremony

Nigeria’s sovereign pavilion represents a deliberate shift in posture. For years, Nigeria has been discussed at Davos. Sometimes admiringly, often cautiously. But rarely on its own terms. A pavilion changes that equation. It signals readiness to engage directly with global capital, articulate priorities clearly, and present Nigeria as an investment destination rather than merely a development narrative.

For media consumers in Nigeria reading this,  the implication is straightforward: reputation increasingly shapes access to capital. A sovereign pavilion is reputational infrastructure. It allows Nigeria to demonstrate reform intent, highlight private-sector opportunities, and counter long-standing risk perceptions with concrete propositions.

Importantly, this move aligns Nigeria’s representation with its economic weight. Africa’s largest economy cannot afford underrepresentation in the very forums where global capital allocation decisions are influenced.

From Visibility to Value Creation

However, visibility is not value. Nigeria’s success at Davos should not be measured by footfall or media mentions, but by outcomes. Investors do not invest in atmospherics; they invest in clarity and execution.

Concrete deliverables should include:

  • Investment conversations that mature into term sheets, not just expressions of interest
  • Sector-specific partnerships in energy, agribusiness, digital infrastructure, logistics, and manufacturing
  • Blended finance arrangements that crowd in private capital alongside development finance institutions
  • Export-oriented partnerships that support diversification beyond oil

These sectors are not abstract priorities. They align with Nigeria’s growth constraints: energy supply, food security, industrial productivity, and foreign exchange stability.

The Execution Gap Nigeria Must Close

Nigeria’s recurring challenge has not been the absence of interest, but the weakness of follow-through. Davos offers access, not automatic capital. To convert engagement into investment, Nigeria must demonstrate three things consistently:

First, project readiness. Investors expect bankable documentation: feasibility studies, regulatory pathways, credible offtake arrangements, and dispute-resolution clarity.

Second, policy predictability. Capital is patient where rules are stable. Exchange-rate transparency, contract sanctity, and regulatory consistency matter more than promotional rhetoric.

Third, institutional follow-up. A structured post-Davos mechanism that tracks engagements from initial meetings to financial close would signal seriousness. In today’s risk-averse environment, that discipline can be decisive.

Global Politics and Nigeria’s Opportunity

The Greenland episode is not just theatre. It reflects a broader trend of geopolitics intruding into economic decision-making. Trade policy, investment screening, and industrial strategy are increasingly politicised.

For emerging economies, this creates mixed outcomes. On one hand, uncertainty raises risk premiums. On the other, investors seeking diversification are actively scanning for large markets with reform momentum and regional reach. Nigeria fits that profile, if it reduces policy volatility and deepens market credibility.

In this environment, Nigeria’s engagement at Davos should be pragmatic: less about grand positioning statements, more about transaction-ready opportunities that appeal to private capital under tight global conditions.

From Conference Participation to Economic Positioning

Will Davos 2026 matter for Nigeria? Only if it produces consequences beyond the event itself. A sovereign pavilion opens doors, but it does not close deals. That responsibility lies in execution, at home and after Davos.

If Nigeria uses Nigeria House as a launchpad for disciplined engagement, credible reforms, and structured investment pipelines, this Davos moment could mark a turning point. If not, it risks becoming another episode of high-level presence without economic positioning.

History does not remember conferences. It remembers outcomes. And markets are no different.

The Venezuela Crisis Through an African Non‑Interference Lens

“In reality, Africa has articulated one of the most sophisticated normative frameworks on sovereignty and intervention outside Europe. The Venezuelan invasion calls for the deployment AU Doctrine, Strategic Non-Alignment, and choosing diplomacy over coercion”  – Collins Nweke

The evolving crisis in Venezuela is often framed as a distant Latin American drama, but for Africa, that would be a profound misreading. What is unfolding in Caracas is far more than a contest over Nicolás Maduro or a reaction to United States policy choices. It is a stress test of global norms in an increasingly fragmented international order. Viewed through Africa’s long‑established doctrine of sovereignty, non‑interference, and non‑indifference, the crisis exposes the same dilemmas the continent has repeatedly confronted in Libya, the Sahel, and other externally shaped theatres of instability. 

Africa is not merely a bystander to these debates. It has articulated one of the world’s most sophisticated frameworks on intervention and state responsibility. It is seen as a framework born from hard lessons about the costs of both indifference and coercive external involvement. The Venezuelan crisis thus becomes a mirror, reflecting the stakes for African states as global powers stretch, reinterpret, or selectively apply international rules. Its implications reach far beyond Caracas. They speak directly to Africa’s strategic autonomy, its commitment to diplomacy over coercion, and its insistence that sovereignty must coexist with accountability.

Africa Is Not Normatively Silent

Africa is often caricatured as reactive in global affairs. In reality, the continent has articulated one of the most sophisticated normative frameworks on sovereignty and intervention outside Europe. The African Union is built on a carefully negotiated doctrine that seeks to reconcile state sovereignty, collective responsibility, and human security.

The AU Constitutive Act establishes, on the one hand, the principle of sovereign equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. On the other, it introduces a distinctly African innovation: the right of the Union to intervene in grave circumstances such as war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This was not a rejection of sovereignty, but a refinement of it. This was born of Africa’s painful experience with indifference during mass atrocities.

The Lomé Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government (2000) further clarified Africa’s red lines. It rejected coups, mercenary interventions, and externally engineered seizures of power, while insisting that political change must be constitutional, inclusive, and domestically anchored. Importantly, Lomé did not license regime change by foreign powers. It asserted African ownership over political legitimacy.

Together, these instruments amount to a coherent African doctrine: non-interference without non-indifference; sovereignty without impunity; and reform without coercion.

Diplomacy as First Resort, Not Last Option

Africa’s practical diplomacy has reinforced this doctrine. AU-led and AU-mandated mediation efforts have consistently prioritised dialogue, negotiated settlements, and regional legitimacy over punitive or militarised approaches. Examples abound from Sudan and South Sudan to Kenya, The Gambia, and parts of the Sahel. While outcomes have been uneven, the underlying lesson is clear: durable political settlements emerge from inclusive processes, not externally imposed outcomes.

This preference for diplomacy over coercion is not weakness. It is strategic realism. Coercive sanctions regimes and forced political outcomes often hollow out institutions, radicalise domestic actors, and internationalise internal conflicts. Venezuela’s protracted crisis illustrates this danger vividly.

For Africa, the Venezuela case reaffirms a long-held conviction: defending sovereignty does not mean defending misrule; rejecting regime change does not require silence on accountability; and supporting democracy does not justify abandoning international law.

Strategic Non-Alignment in a Multipolar Order

China’s stance on Venezuela is less about ideology than about signalling a multipolar world. For African states navigating relationships with the United States, China, the European Union, and emerging middle powers, this moment underscores the urgency of strategic non-alignment. This implies that cooperation can exist without subordination.

Non-alignment today is not Cold War nostalgia. It is about policy space. Africa’s interest lies not in choosing sides, but in strengthening its collective voice through the AU. Fragmented national positions dilute Africa’s leverage. Coordinated continental postures enhance it.

Acting through the AU, African states can:

  • Uphold respect for sovereignty and constitutional order
  • Demand consistency in the application of international law
  • Engage all partners including Washington, Beijing, Brussels, and beyond, on equal terms
  • Anchor external relations firmly in the principles of the United Nations Charter

Resources, Legitimacy, and the Venezuela Lesson

Venezuela’s vast oil reserves offer Africa another cautionary lesson. Natural resources are not power by default. They become leverage only when matched with institutional legitimacy, credible governance, and effective diplomacy. Absent these, resource wealth attracts external pressure rather than strategic respect.

Africa has learned this lesson repeatedly. The continent’s future resource diplomacy must therefore be anchored not only in extraction, but in governance, legitimacy, and multilateral engagement.

A Pro-African Call to Action

For Africa, the implications of Venezuela’s crisis are neither abstract nor distant. They are immediate and strategic:

  • Defend sovereignty without legitimising misrule
  • Reject externally imposed regime change while insisting on accountability
  • Champion AU-led diplomacy and mediation as first resort
  • Converge under the African Union to practice principled non-alignment
  • Insist on respect for international law and the UN Charter by all powers, without exception.

In an era where global rules are being selectively applied and routinely stress-tested, Africa must stand firm on multilateralism as the currency of legitimacy. Anything less risks a regression to a world where might defines right. Africa has lived through that era. It cannot afford its return, whether in Caracas, Tripoli, Abuja, or closer to anywhere called home on the continent.

EU Doctrine Must Become Action in Venezuela

The European Union has spent the better part of two decades building a foreign-policy identity around a simple promise: power should be constrained by law, and crises should be resolved through principled multilateralism. That promise is not an abstract slogan. It is embedded in the everyday doctrine of the EU External Action Service (EEAS): conflict prevention, mediation and dialogue “as a tool of first response.” This is an integrated approach across the conflict cycle, and a steadfast commitment to a rules-based international order with the UN Charter at its core. 

Venezuela now presents a moment of truth for that doctrine.

In the wake of the US operation that removed Nicolás Maduro, Europe’s public posture has been understandably cautious. It welcomes an opportunity for democratic transition while underscoring that restoring democracy must respect the Venezuelan people’s will and remain anchored in international law and the UN Charter.  That framing is not diplomatic fence-sitting; it is the EU’s most valuable asset: legitimacy.

But legitimacy is only leverage when it is organised into policy. It must happen quickly, coherently, and visibly.

The EU already has a Council mandate that it must use.

Recent Council positions on Venezuela are not ambiguous. The Council has repeatedly renewed restrictive measures and listings in response to democratic backsliding and human-rights concerns, and it has underlined the EU’s commitment to support democracy and a peaceful and inclusive transition.  This is not merely sanctions policy; it is a political line: the EU seeks democratic restoration, but through lawful and inclusive means.

The question is whether Europe will now pair that line with a diplomatic initiative commensurate with the stakes.

EEAS doctrine points to the answer: mediation, preventive diplomacy, and “principled pragmatism.” The EEAS is not starting from scratch. Its mediation doctrine recognises that conflict resolution demands principled pragmatism: defending human rights and the rule of law while engaging the messy realities that make negotiated outcomes possible. 

In practical terms, that should translate into five immediate moves:

1.      Activate an EEAS-led mediation track

The High Representative/VP should mandate the EEAS Mediation Support capacity to convene a structured dialogue framework focused on political freedoms, prisoner releases, electoral guarantees, and transitional governance arrangements. This should be done quietly at first, but with a clear roadmap.

2.      Anchor the process in the UN Charter and regional ownership

Europe should explicitly root its engagement in UN Charter principles, including sovereignty, political independence, self-determination. It should then push for a process that is Venezuelan-led, with meaningful roles for Latin American stakeholders (including Brazil) rather than a purely Washington–Beijing tug-of-war. This aligns with the European Council’s repeated insistence that effective multilateralism and the UN Charter remain the EU’s compass. 

3.      Coordinate “contact group” diplomacy with enforceable sequencing

The EU should help organise a renewed international contact mechanism that couples incentives and constraints in a sequenced way: concrete reforms trigger calibrated relief; reversals trigger targeted re-tightening. The Council’s existing sanctions architecture provides the technical toolset; what is missing is the political choreography. 

4.      Separate accountability from revenge

If Maduro’s detention becomes a geopolitical flashpoint, Europe should insist that accountability for crimes must be pursued through lawful processes, not triumphalism. This is irrespective of whether the crime is corruption, repression, or transnational organised crime. That distinction matters for EU unity and for persuading hesitant partners that this is about norms, not dominance. Europe’s own statements appear to already point in this direction.

5.      Protect EU unity by staying anchored to Council language

Divergences inside Europe are inevitable under pressure. The stabiliser is to keep returning to agreed Council/European Council phrasing: peaceful transition, human rights, verifiable democratic outcomes, and the UN Charter. The more Europe speaks with one legal voice, the harder it becomes for external actors to split the Union into “hawks” and “handwringers.” 

Why this matters beyond Venezuela

This matters because the precedent being set is larger than Caracas. If the world normalises political change through unilateral force, then the guardrails that protect smaller states weaken. This must be without prejudice to how satisfying it may feel in the short term. Europe understands this better than most. It was built to ensure that law restrains power, not the other way around.

That is why Venezuela is not only a Latin American drama. Venezuela is a test of whether the EU still believes in the doctrine it teaches. That doctrine is a gospel according to mediation first, multilateralism always, the UN Charter as the floor, not the ceiling. The doctrine has many converts including the United States and should not require much preaching now.

Europe should not choose between democracy and legality. The EU’s calling is to insist that democracy pursued unlawfully is fragile, and legality pursued without democracy is hollow. The EU has no better comparative advantage than this. The only sustainable outcome is a negotiated transition that is Venezuelan-led, internationally verified, and regionally owned. That is what EU doctrine demands. It is time to operationalise it.