Africa-EU Trade – A Fairer Europe

Ghana’s Mahama: Navigating Economic Challenges and Democratic Legacy

This week the good people of Ghana will continue adjusting to last weekend news of the return of John, not The Baptist, but Dramani Mahama, to the presidential villa. While this is understandably good news for his supporters, those that lined up behind incumbent Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia, his opponent, are left to nurse their wounds. But did this come entirely as a surprise to them? It probably didn’t. I will tell you why in a moment. It certainly didn’t matter to objective watchers like me with no horse in this race except a desire to see the consolidation of democracy in a prominent West African nation. This is at a time when things are falling apart in the region and dominant regional players like Nigeria are struggling to hold the centre together.

Call it the day after. We can then begin to ask how this victory came about given that the same issues that led Ghanaians to sack Mahama in 2016 are same for renewing their faiths in him eight years later. So, where was Ghana then economically and politically? Where are they now; what has changed?

Let us begin with the present. As of election day in 2024, Ghana’s consumer inflation rose to 23.0% year-on-year, up from 22.1% in October. This marks the third consecutive monthly increase, primarily driven by higher food prices. The market women of Makola, central Accra felt this especially in the prices of vegetables, yam, cassava, and plantains. However, the second quarter of 2024 saw Ghana’s economy grow by 6.9% year-on-year, the fastest rate since the Nana Akufo-Addo presidency. This growth was propelled by strong performances in the mining and quarrying sectors, with the gold sector expanding by 23.6%. The country equally restructured $13 billion in U.S. dollar bonds, effectively exiting a nearly two-year debt default. This restructuring reduced the nation’s debt by over $4 billion. This brings with it the prospect of positioning Ghana for a return to global capital markets.

While the nation’s debt was reduced, it could safely be said that the elections were held amid significant economic challenges. The high inflation linked to debt defaults were skilfully made electioneering issues. This leads one to ask if Ghanaians are quick to forget that in 2015, Mahama’s government equally sought a $918 million bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize the economy and address high debt levels.

Ghanaians may not be quick to forget. It might simply be that Mahama was a better political communicator with better packaged messaging than Bawumia and his New Patriotic Party. He may have been better at bringing on issues that influenced voter sentiment at a time when many are seeking change due to rising living costs. Mahama dipped into his accomplishments as President from 2012 to 2017. He successfully emphasized his infrastructure development that focused on roads, schools, hospitals, and energy projects. He reminded voters of initiatives like the Atuabo Gas Processing Plant and expansion of ports and airports which modernised Ghana’s economy.

Tried as he could, Bawumia was unable to successfully shine the light on the energy crisis that enveloped Ghana under Mahama’s watch. Ghana faced a severe power crisis, the so-called Dumsor with frequent outages crippling businesses and causing pains to households.

On his part Mahama got the focus to rest on the efforts his administration invested in to achieve energy mix. This includes thermal and renewable energy plants, to address the power crisis. His campaign was good at deploying contrast communication strategy. For instance while admitting that the economy was hard hit with declining prices of gold, cocoa, and oil, his team was quick to point to the fact that the fault lay with decline in global commodity prices and had nothing to do with government policy or lack of it. To rub it in, they then end the messaging with a pointer to the early years of his administration when oil production boosted GDP.

Mahama drew attention to how he oversaw a relatively peaceful political environment and upheld Ghana’s democratic tradition. Despite mostly unfair criticisms, he told voters that he ensured free and fair elections in 2016, where he conceded defeat to Nana Akufo-Addo, solidifying Ghana’s reputation for political stability. He could not be blamed for exercising his bragging rights around investments in education including the Community Day Senior High School project, which improved access to secondary education; expansion of the National Health Insurance Scheme; and increased access to healthcare facilities.

While he can’t match the records of incumbent President in shuttle diplomacy, Mahama did not shy away from highlighting his key role in regional diplomacy, including efforts to mediate political crises in neighboring countries like Burkina Faso.

As the dust settles, the Bawumia team will be assessing their communication failure in not leveraging on some of the major scandals that docked Mahama. How on earth were they unable to convince voters that they can’t trust a guy involved in a contract to brand public buses with photos of Ghanaian presidents with a whopping $3.6 million. What about the GYEEDA Affair? The Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development Agency (GYEEDA) was implicated in the misappropriation of funds meant for youth employment programs. Yet the youths of Ghana were allowed by Bawumia to trust their faiths in the man’s hands! Again? How on earth did the Bawumia campaign miss the opportunity to paint all of the country black with the ghost of the SADA Controversy? The Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA), established to develop Ghana’s northern regions, faced allegations of mismanagement and corruption involving millions of cedis. And then comes the Ford Expedition Gift Imbroglio! Mahama was accused of accepting a Ford Expedition vehicle from a Burkinabe contractor who had won lucrative government contracts, raising concerns about conflict of interest and ethical breaches.

From all indications, it appears the people of Ghana are fine to forgive economic mismanagement and persistent allegations of corruption preferring instead to settle for a legacy of focus on infrastructure development and commitment to democracy. His manifesto, Mahama’s First 120 Days Social Contract with the People of Ghana, was a fine read. The next four years will prove whether the people’s gamble with Mahama will pay off.

For the renewed presidency of John Dramani Mahama, which by the way, reminds us of the return of Donald Trump of the United States, the challenges facing him are humongous. But he has the parliamentary majority needed to push through his agenda. His legacy will be anchored on a number of policy areas of which analysts are now on the look out to asses his soon to be appointed cabinet. His appointments will give a window to his succes or failure in areas crucial in addressing Ghana’s current challenges while building on lessons from his previous tenure.

On debt management, who will be his point person in building on Ghana’s recent debt restructuring success by adopting prudent fiscal policies to prevent further accumulation of unsustainable debt? Mahama needs to improve revenue collection through tax reforms and combating tax evasion. Are there lessons that he’d pick from the tax reforms components of Tinubunomics? In controlling inflation, Africa will be on the look out for Mahama to deliver a template on successful measures to address rising inflation, particularly in food prices, by supporting local production and reducing dependency on imports.

If his Minister for Employment has no track records of expertise in youth employment through aggressive skills development programmes and projects and incentivizing private sector growth, particularly in industries like technology and manufacturing, he has beautifully set himself up to fail. Of course Mahama must do everything he can to rid himself of the ghosts of GYEEDA by not bringing close to him, anybody that resembles the crooks that misappropriated funds meant to give young people career prospects a decade ago

If you are no proponent of Economic Diversification, Mahama should not have you on the shortlist for consideration either as trade or economic portfolio. Ghana should have reduced yesterday its undue reliance on commodities like gold, cocoa, and oil. But if by tomorrow, Mahama pays more attention to investing in agriculture, renewable energy, and digital technology, Ghana will not easily forget his second coming.

It is expected that the President-elect will defend his credentials for infrastructure through his policy around sustainable energy solutions. Under him Ghana must expand its renewable energy capacity, through solar and wind to reduce dependency on fossil fuels and prevent future power crises and by so doing wave a final goodbye to the ghosts of Dumsor. While on it, he must strengthen public-private partnerships for energy infrastructure investments. In choosing his international partners for energy, he must keep away from Western leaders who’d preach to him the gospel according to jettisoning oil to embrace exclusively clean energy despite oil still supporting a significant chunk of the economy of Ghana. Amongst the friends he made while serving as a member of European and Pan African Parliaments’ Ad hoc Committee on Cooperation, he must know who to run away from and who to embrace as international partners willing and able to respects Ghana’s sovereignty and facilitate the provision of targeted subsidies to ensure affordable electricity for low-income households while promoting efficient energy use.

If his job description for Minister for Transport does not include proveable experience and expertise in managing investment in road and rail networks, he must withdraw and edit it. It is the imperative of Ghana’s time in history to enhance connectivity between rural and urban areas, promoting trade and economic activity. He must expand and modernize ports and airports to make Ghana a regional logistics hub. He did it before. He must do it again in his second coming.

A President Mahama must prioritise building on existing healthcare infrastructure by improving access to quality care, particularly in underserved rural areas. He must strengthen public health initiatives to address ongoing issues like malaria and rising non-communicable diseases. Strengthening of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) to ensure universal coverage and address challenges like delays in claims payments should be a priority..

Building on his efforts up to 2016 and whatever accomplishments of his predecessor, President Mahama must accelerate efforts to make senior high school universally accessible and improve technical and vocational training to align with market needs.

The promise of constituting the leanest and most efficient government in the fourth Republic of Ghana is easy to say because lean government is the new trend. So, this President can’t listen to anyone who tells him to create more ministerial portfolios. He however must give consideration to refocusing existing portfolios and perhaps rename or merge some ministeries. For instance it might serve Ghana well to have a ministry for institutional reforms and digitisation into which ministeries with overlapping portfolios could be collapsed. Such a ministry could be tasked with strengthening anti-corruption institutions like the Office of the Special Prosecutor and the Auditor-General’s office. It must facilitate policies around transparent procurement processes and punish financial mismanagement to rebuild public trust. His Year One accomplishment must include Public Sector Efficiency. This is as urgent as it is. Ghana should urgently show other African countries how to reduce bureaucratic inefficiencies and streamline service delivery to make government programmes and projects more effective. While at it, it must foster greater civic engagement with the civil society to ensure inclusivity in decision-making and policy implementation.

As of today Ghana ranks 133 out of 191 countries and maintains the same human development index (HDI) value for 2020 and 2021 with 0.632. This puts the country in the medium human development category, according to UNDP report. Between 1990 and 2021, Ghana’s Human Development Index (HDI) value grew from 0.460 to 0.632, reflecting an increase of 37.4%. However, though Ghana falls in the medium human development category, when considered for unequal distribution of human development, the country records a loss of 27.5 per cent in its HDI. For instance, Ghana’s level of gender inequality remains high over the years and ranked 130 out of 170 countries in 2021 in terms of gender inequality between female and male achievements. President Mahama has every reason to take Social Protection and Welfare seriously. He must make work out of poverty alleviation, expand social protection programmes to cushion the impact of rising living costs on vulnerable populations. Genuine focus should go to food security by supporting smallholder farmers with subsidies, access to credit, and modern farming techniques. Affordable housing in urban centres has remained a challenge. There can’t be a better time than now to partner with private developers to create affordable housing units to address the housing deficit.

Not unimportant is how President John Mahama will perform in the international stage with special reference to Regional Leadership and Foreign Policy. The principles enshrined in Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, particularly Article 40, which underscores the promotion and protection of the nation’s interests, respect for international law, and adherence to the principles of organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union, have continued to guide the country at the international stage. Over the years, the foreign policy has evolved to adapt to changing international dynamics. It is the hope that Mahama will remain consistent in the area of economic diplomacy and will leverage Ghana’s strategic position in West Africa to attract foreign direct investment and promote trade through agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Doing this will not preclude him from continuing to play a mediating role in regional conflicts to ensure peace and stability in the sub-region.

In conclusion, the 2024 elections that returned John Dramani Mahama as President underscores Ghana’s resolve to give him a shot at navigating the country’s economic recovery while upholding its democratic traditions. That he received as high as 56.55% mandate by Ghanaians indicates the readiness of the people to give him another chance. He can’t take this for granted by assuming that he has completely been forgiven his sins of old. He needs to rebuild trust amongs Ghanaians. As independent onlooker but one with a vested interest in the Pan-African agenda, I urge Mr President to place accountability and legacy building high on his agenda. It is not enough to state in his contract with the people of Ghana that he’d establish a robust code of conduct and standards for all government officials. The people of Ghana ade more interested in his clear mechanisms to address scandals and allegations of corruption from the past to rebuild credibility. Resting on this, he has no option but to focus on completing unfinished projects from his previous tenure, particularly in infrastructure and energy, to strengthen his governance legacy. By focusing on these recommended imperatives of the time, Mahama can address Ghana’s current challenges while leveraging his experience in rebuilding trust among Ghanaians and Africans.

The author, Collins Nweke is opinion-maker writer with The Brussels Times. A Fellow of both the Chartered Institute of Public Management of Nigeria and the Institute of Management Consultants, he serves on the Governing Board of the International Association of Research Scholars & Administrators, where he is also a Fellow. He features on several Afrocentric media as Global Affairs Analyst. A Green Party Municipal Legislator in the legislature 2006 – 2025, he writes from Brussels, Belgium.

Addressing Neocolonialism in Nigeria-France Diplomacy

State visit as a tool of diplomacy is underpinned by a few core principles. It is unarguable that there are some of the principles that watchers of Nigeria-France relations will pay keen attention to, as President Tinubu of Nigeria touched down early evening on Wednesday in the cold Orly airport, France. One can’t help but be curious how Presidents Tinubu and Macron will have a frank and fair conversation yet avoid confrontational or unilateral demands. At least behind closed doors.

What about Regional Influence? Nigeria seeks to assert its leadership at least in the West Africa subregion, sometimes conflicting with France’s relationships with Francophone African countries. France’s deep ties with Francophone nations overshadows, if not undermines, Nigeria’s efforts at regional integration and leadership through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). How will this be navigated in the new French partnership with Africa? Or could this be one of the contentious issues that will be avoided?

Focusing on cooperative and respectful dialogue is desirable. And indeed there are much more that unite than divide both countries. But would it not be waste of Nigerian taxpayers money if Tinubu returns home without confronting a number of knotty issues all in the name of the principle of mutual respect? France is on an offensive to redefine its Africa partnership given the growing anti-French sentiment across the continent. The discerning Nigerians perceive France’s actions in neighboring Francophone countries as neocolonial. Also, Concentricism has always been the main thrust of Nigeria’s foreign policy, which denotes that Africa’s interests is at the heart of Nigeria’s interest. Little wonder Nigeria often advocates for African sovereignty and self-determination, which clashes with France’s historical influence in West and Central Africa. A redefined partnership with Africa that does not sufficiently take this into consideration will be short lived if it even manages to take off. Is this on President Tinubu’s agenda?

French-Nigerian Convergence

Before delving into the contentious issues in the French-Nigeria relations, it should be helpful to briefly touch on the areas where the two economies see eye to eye. There is agreement in principle on security cooperation for mutual benefits because both nations align on the fact that the sustainability of the warm economic and trade relations between them today, can only continue to be anchored tomorrow on a secure environment. While it could be said that there is alignment around the principles of climate change and environmental matters, there is disparity on the speed to be applied in achieving energy transition. Call it a nuanced disagreement. Finally, cultural exchange has continued to be tied to education and in part on youth development. Both countries value cultural collaboration, with France being a significant promoter of African art and culture. French institutions in Nigeria, like the Alliance Française, facilitate educational and cultural exchanges.

Press releases from both the French and Nigerian presidency is unlikely to touch on the sticking points but by identifying these contentious areas, Nigeria can approach its dialogue with France strategically, emphasizing mutual interests while addressing critical points of divergence.

Divergent policy areas

Truth be told, neocolonialism even if it is in perception, remains an issue that analyst of France-Nigeria relations continue to monitor. As mentioned earlier there is growing anti-French sentiment across Africa. This derives its origin from the perception of neocolonialism. Nigeria has often advocated for African sovereignty and self-determination, which clashes with France’s historical influence in West and Central Africa. France has loads of work to change that perception and Nigeria can leverage its Regional Influence to help France on this rebranding mission. The major negotiating point would be France’s deep ties with Francophone nations and how this has overshadowed Nigeria’s efforts at regional integration and leadership through ECOWAS, of which President Tinubu is the current Chairman.

Counterterrorism

While France and Nigeria agree on countering terrorism, there are differing approaches. Nigeria’s perspective was shaped by skepticism over the effectiveness of France’s military strategy in the Sahel and concerns over France’s dominance in shaping regional security policies. If France has no ulterior counterterrorism motives, this is a matter that can be resolved with reassurance and transparency on the part of France.

ECOWAS Economic Independence

Nigeria’s advocacy for financial autonomy in the ECOWAS region, including the proposed ECO single currency, sometimes clashes with France’s support for the CFA Franc. Tinubu has implied that the CFA Franc remains a tool of economic control over Francophone countries, undermining regional economic independence.

Immigration Policies

France’s current strict immigration policies, deployed in response to the rising profile of the far-right political elements, which particularly target African migrants, including Nigerians, have been a point of contention and incrementally too. Of course it is the most normal thing in the world for Nigeria to advocate for fairer treatment and integration of African and Nigerian Diaspora in France. This is of critical importance to Nigeria as Diaspora is part of the 4D Renewed Foreign Policy strategy of the Tinubu administration. How vocally will Tinubu represent this advocacy given the Japa syndrome in Nigeria, its level of unpopularity amongst the political elites, and the potent anti-immigration sentiments in Europe?

Repatriation of Artifacts

Nigeria has been pushing for the return of artifacts taken during the colonial era, but progress has been slow, leading to frustration over France’s reluctance to expedite repatriation but also reparation. As a matter of point, a Senator of the ruling party of Tinubu, Ned Nwoko has made this a cardinal political point.

Energy Transition

Nigeria calls for a gradual, Africa-tailored approach to the energy transition to accommodate its developmental needs. This is one issue where some trade-offs may be required to resolve it. One can say that there is a good starting point because both nations agree at least in principle on climate goals. But given Nigeria’s reliance on oil exports, it will be unconscionable for President Tinubu to support France’s push for aggressive energy transition policies.

Fairer international system

President Tinubu’s ambition to secure a fairer international system for Nigeria and Africa is both conceivable and attainable, particularly with strategic support from influential global partners like France. In President Macron commitment to redefining France’s relationship with Africa, he has emphasised mutual respect and equitable partnerships. This alignment presents opportunities for collaboration to advance Nigeria’s and Africa’s positions in the global arena. France can be positioned here as a pivotal ally. It’s got to require concerted efforts in advocacy, economic collaboration, security cooperation, and cultural exchange. A more equitable global order that benefits Nigeria, Africa, and the international community is doable. But was it on or off the table during the Tinubu state visit?

United Nations Security Council and Nigeria’s ambitions

Nigeria’s membership as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is conceivable, given its influence in Africa and globally. As Africa’s most populous country and largest economy, Nigeria has long expressed its ambition to represent Africa on a reformed UNSC. However, achieving this goal requires significant diplomatic support and global consensus, including backing from influential nations like France. The question in the minds of analysts is the extent to which such a conversation forms part of the Tinubu state visit to Macron. France can play a constructive role in advancing Nigeria’s UNSC ambitions by leveraging its global influence, fostering regional consensus, and advocating for a reformed Security Council that includes African representation. For Nigeria to succeed, it must also address domestic challenges, build stronger alliances, and sustain its role as a leader in regional and global peacekeeping efforts. What trade-offs could Macron put on the table and which concessions can Tinubu commit to? Again was this on the agenda or conveniently avoided?

It may very well be that the Tinubu state visit and a possible reciprocated one by Macron will help to lay the foundation stones in the much needed rebuilding of trust by France and redefining of its Africa partnership. The job will be made easier if France is ready for an open and honest dialogue on how France can rebuild trust with African nations. If Tinubu can get Macron to commit to the reorientation of France’s foreign policy towards true partnership and respect for African sovereignty, the ball would be set rolling in addressing the critically important and broader geopolitical dynamics between France and Nigeria and Africa by extension.

The author, Collins Nweke is opinion-maker writer with The Brussels Times. A Fellow of both the Chartered Institute of Public Management of Nigeria and the Institute of Management Consultants, he serves on the Governing Board of the International Association of Research Scholars & Administrators, where he is also a Fellow. He features on several Afrocentric media as Global Affairs Analyst and writes from Brussels, Belgium.

Clean Energy Transition: the global south versus the world.

In this extensive duo conversation, Secretary General of CBL-ACP Chamber of Commerce, Thomas De Beule and I were engaged by journalist Stephen Imediegwu of RadioNow FM Lagos. Within the framework of a mission to Nigeria to unveil and promote the 2nd Nigeria Belgium Luxembourg Business Forum, holding in Brussels, Belgium on 18 – 20 September 2024, we sought to speak to the notion of Oil been a dead commodity.

US-Nigeria Partnership in a Changing Global Arena

Nigeria’s Foreign Minister, H.E. Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, offered his perspectives, and the 4D strategic vision for and on the evolving Nigeria-United States partnership.

At the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington DC, Nigeria’s Foreign Minister, H.E. Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, offered his perspectives on the evolving Nigeria-United States partnership. The event, “US-Nigeria Partnership in the Changing Global Arena,” drew a distinguished audience comprising diplomatic figures, former US ambassadors to Nigeria, and policy experts. Moderated by Oge Onubogu, Director of the Wilson Center‘s Africa Program, the discussion centered on the multidimensional relationship between the two countries and its broader ramifications for global security and development.

Nigeria’s Strategic Role and Demographic Potential

Minister Tuggar emphasized the historical depth and strength of the US-Nigeria relationship, which dates back to Nigeria’s independence in 1960. Highlighting Nigeria’s role as a regional leader in Africa, he underscored Nigeria’s significant population, with over 200 million people, half of whom are under the age of 30, presenting both challenges and opportunities for the nation and the importance of collaboration in areas such as security, economic development, and democratic governance. The minister’s remarks were timely, coming on the heels of the recently concluded sixth US-Nigeria Binational Commission in Abuja, where both nations reaffirmed their commitment to addressing shared challenges.

The “4D” Agenda: Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora

One of the central themes of Tuggar’s address was Nigeria’s new foreign policy vision, encapsulated in the “4D” agenda: Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora – under President Bola Tinubu. He articulated how these pillars are integral to Nigeria’s strategy to navigate the complexities of the current global landscape.

Emphasizing Nigeria’s commitment to democracy, the minister highlighted the nation’s role in promoting democratic values across the African continent. He noted that Nigeria, with its demographic, is poised to harness the dividend of its growing population to drive sustainable development and economic growth.

On development, Minister Tuggar stressed the importance of infrastructure projects and economic reforms aimed at creating jobs and fostering inclusive growth. He outlined Nigeria’s ambitious infrastructure development plans, including the expansion of broadband cabling, the adoption of 5G technology, and the construction of gas pipelines to leverage Nigeria’s significant gas reserves; noting the importance of trade and investment partnerships with the United States to support these initiatives.

Engaging the Nigeria Diaspora community is a key focus of the administration; whether in terms of investment opportunities or tapping its diaspora human capital. The minister called for greater investment in Nigeria’s vast gas reserves as a transition fuel, which would support industrialization and energy security while also addressing climate change concerns. He spoke about the significance of intellectual property rights in protecting Nigeria’s burgeoning creative industries, which include Nollywood and the Afrobeats music scenes; buttressing the role the music genre has played in putting Nigeria on the global stage.

Security Cooperation and Counterterrorism

Addressing the issue of security, Tuggar acknowledged the challenges posed by terrorism and transnational crime in the West African region. He called for enhanced US-Nigeria cooperation in counterterrorism efforts, including the provision of advanced military equipment and training. The minister also highlighted Nigeria’s commitment to human rights and transparency in its security operations, noting the establishment of a human rights desk within the Nigerian Army.

The conversation also touched on Nigeria’s strategic autonomy in its foreign policy, with Ambassador Tuggar affirming the nation’s non-aligned stance. He stressed the importance of homegrown solutions to African problems and warned against the presence of foreign mercenaries and private military companies in the region. The minister reiterated Nigeria’s opposition to any form of external dominance and called for partnerships that respect Nigeria’s sovereignty and promote mutual benefit.

Internal Security Challenges and International Partnerships

Minister Tuggar also addressed Nigeria’s internal security challenges, particularly the fight against terrorism and insurgency. He highlighted the critical role of international partnerships in providing the necessary weapons, equipment, and technical support to combat these threats effectively. The minister called for a reevaluation of restrictions like the Leahy Law, which prohibits the sale of certain military equipment to Nigeria, arguing that such limitations hinder Nigeria’s ability to address security threats comprehensively.

Israel-Palestine Conflicts and Nigeria’s Stance

A key highlight of the discussion was Nigeria’s stance on global conflicts, such as the Israel-Palestine crisis and the ongoing war in Ukraine. Minister Tuggar expressed Nigeria’s support for a two-state solution in the Israel-Palestine conflict and reaffirmed the nation’s commitment to upholding principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity in Ukraine.

The event marked Minister Tuggar’s first official visit to Washington, D.C., and he expressed optimism about the future of US-Nigeria relations.

The Union Now in Bed with its 23 Million Third-Country Nationals

The European Union (EU) has taken a significant step towards fostering a more inclusive and welcoming environment for third-country nationals within its borders. EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which establishes the criteria for non-EU citizens to acquire long-term resident status within the EU.

In a significant move, EU Member States have reached an agreement on a negotiating mandate to update the EU Long-Term Residents Directive, which outlines the criteria for third-country nationals to acquire long-term resident status within the bloc. The proposed updates include a more flexible approach to residency requirements, targeted integration measures, and enhanced intra-EU mobility. These changes are expected to benefit millions of third-country nationals living in the EU.

Major Highlights of EU Long-Term Residency Rules

1. Streamlined Residency Requirements

The proposed updates introduce a more flexible approach to residency requirements, allowing third-country nationals to accumulate residence periods of up to two years in other EU Member States to meet the overall five-year residency requirement. This provision aims to ease the path to long-term resident status for individuals who have moved within the EU for work or study purposes.

Long-term resident status is permanent. However, it can be withdrawn in certain cases, for instance, when a person has not had their main residence in the EU for a certain period of time.said EU Council

2. Targeted Integration Measures

The directive emphasizes the importance of integration for long-term residents, encouraging Member States to implement integration measures tailored to specific needs and circumstances. These measures may include language courses, cultural orientation, and civic education.

3. Enhanced Intra-EU Mobility

EU long-term residents will continue to enjoy the right to intra-EU mobility, enabling them to move and reside in other EU Member States for work, study, or other purposes. However, this right remains subject to certain conditions, such as labour market assessments by Member States to ensure that their domestic labour markets are not negatively impacted.

This right to intra-EU mobility is not an automatic right but is subject to a number of conditions. Such a condition is that member states may assess the situation of their national labour markets in case an EU long-term resident moves to their country from another EU member state for work.

4. Enduring Rights and Protections

Once granted, long-term resident status is permanent, providing individuals with long-term stability and security of residence within the EU. However, the directive also outlines specific circumstances under which this status may be withdrawn, such as prolonged absences from the EU or engagement in activities that threaten public security or order. By streamlining residency requirements, promoting integration, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive aims to empower non-EU citizens to contribute meaningfully to EU society and achieve their full potential.

Data Snapshot

According to Eurostat data, as of the end of 2020, approximately 23 million third-country nationals were legally residing in the EU, accounting for 5.1% of the EU population. Among these individuals, over ten million held a long-term permanent residence permit. These figures underscore the growing role of non-EU citizens within the EU’s social fabric.

Conclusion

The proposed updates to the EU Long-Term Resident Status Directive represent a significant step forward in promoting integration and mobility for third-country nationals within the EU.

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasising integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Inspired by an article by: Manish Khandelwal | Photo Credit: Freepik

By streamlining residency requirements, emphasizing integration measures, and upholding the right to intra-EU mobility, the directive seeks to foster a more inclusive and welcoming environment for non-EU citizens, enabling them to fully contribute to the EU’s economic, social, and cultural landscape.

Tinubu at his First UN General Assembly

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Here an attempt to predict what Tinubu will be telling the world when he speaks later today at the 78th United Nations General Assembly

The Irony of a Continent and its Diaspora

In this exposé, Nigerian-born African enthusiast, Adetunji Omotola adds his audacious voice to the cry for Africa to recognise the value that her sons and daughters bring to Africa’s growth table and purposefully mine it for the global good.

The millennium saw the emergence of Africans in diaspora as a force with which to be reckoned. Some diasporans serve in the highest levels of government and many returned to Africa,particularly in Kenya, Ghana and Nigeria. Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the current Director General of the World Trade Organisation; Dr Akinwunmi Adesina, the current President of the African Development Bank; Wally Adeyemo, the current US Deputy Treasury Secretary, and the Nigerian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Godfrey Onyeama are some diasporans who have made it to cabinet level in Nigeria and beyond.

Nigeria leads sub-Saharan Africa in terms of diaspora remittances, with $23billion in 2019, followed by Ghana ($3billion), Kenya ($2.8billion) and South Sudan ($1.3billion). On the global remittances index Nigeria is in sixth place, with India in the lead ($79billion), China in second place ($67billion), Mexico third ($36billion), Philippines fourth ($34 billion) and Egypt fifth ($29billion). Despite these positive contributions by diaspora, there is a sense that that diasporansfeel extremely marginalized and unjustly treated. Nigerian Diasporans not having a vote is a grave injustice, when other African countries, such as South Africa, Kenya, Botswana,Rwanda and seventeen other African nations practice diaspora as a matter of course.

Nigerians in diaspora remittances still does not guarantee any inclusion into the Nigerian landscape. It also seems clear that,despite having a newly formed diaspora commission, there is no determination on embarking on a census on the numbers of Nigerians abroad. Research shows that the United States, UK, Italy, Germany and Canada have the largest numbers of Nigerians, followed by South Africa, France, Ireland, China and the Netherlands. These are the top ten countries with Nigerian populations. At the top is the USA (380,785), followed by UK (190,000), Germany (56,000), Italy (71,000), Canada (51,800),France (30,000), South Africa (30,000), Ireland (17,542), China (10,000) and the Netherlands (9,453). Great difficulty exists in determining the numbers in various African countries, due to a lack of data. According to Statistics South Africa in 2015, there were 10, 334 Nigerians who had temporary residence permits,25% of which had visitor’s visas and 355 had permanent residency permits.

Despite the success of Nigerians in foreign lands, the fact that there is still disconnectedness on many levels is painful and disheartening. There is no Nigerian national policy to absorb diasporans into the broader national landscape beyond settlements and investments. There ought to be a shift in the current haphazard methods in place for diaspora inclusion. It is a travesty of gigantic proportions that many Nigerians are ignored in a manner that creates deep concern and misery. There also exists a bias by those in authority towards Nigerians in the United States, Canada and Europe. The issue of not voting is one of the most notable examples of the failure to absorb Nigerians in diaspora into the political and economic development of the country. So many flimsy excuses are given by the members of the National Assembly and INEC regarding a lack of data and costs and also who will vote and which countries will be involved. This lack of political will is like a knee on the necks of Nigerians in diaspora, who observe voting by diasporans in Rwanda, South Africa, Botswana, Kenya and eighteen other African countries.

Nigerians in diaspora are the most educated migrants in the US. Most African doctors in South Africa are Nigerians, and there iseven a Nigerian Doctors Forum in that country. A Nigerian holds the world boxing heavyweight crown and there is the NBA most valuable player, Gianni’s Antetoukoumpo. Nigerian Ngozi Chimamanda-Adichie is a superstar and there is a slew of Hollywood actors, such as Chiwetel Ejiofor and more. There is Asa and John Boyega and Bayo Ogunlesi who owns Gatwick airport and was Trump’s adviser for some time. With all these observations it is clear that Nigerians in diaspora succeed across many formations and professions.

Nigerians in diaspora will provide Africa’s upward trajectory. What is missing at this stage is the ability of planners and African leaders work with various Nigerian diaspora groupings to access bodies like the African Union, the African Development Bank, the Pan African Parliament and regional bodies to build capacity and leverage the professionalism and skillsets of Nigerians in diaspora. The best kept secret that Nigeria and Africa by extension has in term of human capital is Nigerians in diaspora. Recently, Lt. Victor Agunbiade was given an award for his extraordinary accountability. Agunbiade received the Navy and Marine Corp Development medal for successfully managing $68 million. The amount represented 70% of its overseas disbursing volume. Agunbiade who was in charge of the money while he served as disbursing officer, comptroller department, Camp Lemonier in Djibouti (Horn of Africa) from October 2019 to July 2020, achieved 100% accountability among six rigorous inspections and independent audits with zero discrepancies.

Nigerians have become notable in the USA. Dr Bennet Omalu was the first person to discover and publish on chronic traumatic encephalopathy in American footballers. (Will Smith plays him in the 2015 film Concussion). In the legal space ImeIme A. Umana is the first black woman to be elected President of the Harvard Law Review in its 131 year history. Pearlana Igbokwe is the President of Universal Television and the first woman of African descent to head a major US studio. Dr Jacqueline Nwando Olayiwola is an Associate Professor at the University of California and the author of “Papaya Head” which speaks to first generation African Americans. Jacqueline’s siblings are Okey Onyejekwe, a medical doctor, Meka Don a lawyer turned rapper and Sylvia Onyejekwe, a lawyer. Jacqueline and her brother Okey frequently undertake two mission trips to Nigeria every year.

In the Netherlands there is circular migration between Nigerians in the Netherlands and the UK. Most are employees of Royal Dutch Shell and some work for ABN Amro, Nike, Celtel, IBM and CMG. There are about 500 Nigerians with Dutch passports. In Russia there are 2100 Nigerians on Facebook.

The Nigerian diaspora population is the biggest African population, with the exception of French speaking nations. Nigerians in diaspora also contribute the highest in terms of remittances. The remittance figure of $23 billion it is almost the same size as the GDP of Africa’s bottom ten countries, Togo, Burundi, Eswatini, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Lesotho, South Sudan, Djibouti, CAR, and Gambia. Is it not ironic yet all these countries have presidents, budgets and military and they all have a say in continental African affairs? For example, each country sends five members of its national parliament to the Pan African Parliament in Midland, none of whom are diasporans, yet diaspora contributes significantly to each of these countries. South Sudan’s diaspora remittances are 36% of its GDP, while Nigeria’s are 8%.

The failure of the Nigerian government to deepen its relations with its diasporan and include them in politics and business and other sectors of the economy is probably the biggest oversight in the last three decades. The current model of meeting a few diasporans, who are handpicked by diplomats abroad, has not yielded any meaningful result in the past two decades. With the rampant corruption happening in Nigeria, it may be wise to draft diasporans who are used to living according to their means and are not desperate to buy land in Ikoyi or Maitama in a matter of months.

There is a Diaspora Commission in Nigeria and there are also committees in both houses of the National Assembly but the Diaspora Commission board is yet to be constituted and the committee members in both houses are not even known to diaspora stakeholders and their impact has not been felt in any significant manner. There is a sense that diasporans are not given the seriousness that they deserve and until major steps are taken with diasporans, Nigeria will not grow into the true economic and political giant it can and should be. One can go as far as to suggest that the diasporan ought to have slots at the National Assembly and each state house of Assembly in the same manner that women participation is desired.

The following recommendations may be considered. Firstly, all Nigerians in diaspora who are aged 18 and over should be allowed to vote by 2023. Secondly, Nigerians in diaspora need to be on a database at every high commission. The missions should see the registration as their most sacred duty. Thirdly, Nigerians abroad doing business and in professions should be encouraged to join chambers of commerce between the host countries and Nigeria. It is also important to engage in positive branding about Nigeria in the countries with big Nigerian populations. A country with 200 million people should be branding Nigeria weekly, monthly and annually. The embassies can work with the community and the media to do so. There can be no doubt that countries such as South Africa, United Arab Emirates, United States and the United Kingdom have had their fair share of Nigerian scams and fraudulent activities so it is wise to promote Nigerians who are doing very well in those countries or face stiff visa restrictions when travelling to these parts. Nigerians in diaspora are the most marginalized Nigerian group and this needs to change very quickly. No nation will reach its full potential while it ignores its most productive population.

Barrister Adetunji Omotola is the founder of the Guild of Nigerian Professionals-South Africa. He is an alumnus of the Henley Business School, Executive Speaker Programme. He is a Bloomberg Certified Financial Consultant and Founder of 12 Disciples Leaders. He is an African Media Personality and Founder of Afrospace. He blogs at www.winelawandpolitics.wordpress.com. He initially published this article under the original title : Africa in the 21st Century and the role of Nigerians in Diaspora in its trajectory

Whole Society Approach to Counter-Terrorism

www.youtube.com/watch

Today the United Nations wraps up a two-day regional conference in #Nairobi, #Kenya ?? on global actions to prevent and combat terrorism. Here in a news bulletin on #TRTWorld, I shared a brief view on its global implication and what it portends for Africa. https://youtu.be/GgliHkKFM1I

Evaluating Africa-EU Climate Partnership Post-Paris

On the sidelines of the conference to launch the Covenant on Demographic Change in Europe at the EU Committee of the Regions, I took some time out to speak to the EU Public Affairs programme, ‘Inside the Issues’ to evaluate the COP21 climate conference that took place in Paris, France. The broad focus of the brief but punchy talk was EU-Africa climate change relations within the context of the global discussions at COP21. On one hand you have African countries who do the least to pollute but pay the highest price in climate change terms. On the other hand you have the historical dimension of the EU that has been a leading contributor to global greenhouse gas emissions.

In this context the specific topics covered include:

The credibility of an EU-Africa partnership on climate change, given their divergent views.
Who were the winners and losers at COP21
Should developed countries, like the EU, pay the highest price in contributing to a better climate?

Click here or on the picture to watch the discussion, which also includes the perspective of a researcher, thus balancing politics with academics and in my opinion, excellently well delivered.

Issues & Views

People come first

Politics and elections should be about people. It shouldn’t be just about State structures or budgets. The new Green that I align with sees a twin issue, not a single issue. Yes, the climate is changing. But the social climate is also changing. I do not want to save the planet earth with nobody to live in it. Thus, I am concerned about the incredibly fast pace at which planet earth is depleting. In equal measure, I am deeply worried about the growing inequality between people within Europe, but also between European citizens and people from other countries. The traditional parties would like to make you believe that high unemployment and the poor economy is as a result of massive migration. That does not add up. They won’t tell you that their neo-liberal and conservative social and economic policy path since the 1980s is the direct cause of the financial crisis of 2008, the euro crisis of 2010 and rising poverty (25% or 121 million poor Europeans) especially youths and infant poor. I believe in a people-centered economic and social policy driven by fair and equitable policies with a win-win for all.

Mensen eerst

Politiek en verkiezingen gaan over mensen, niet over staatsstructuren of begrotingen. Ik sluit mij aan bij het nieuwe Groen dat een dubbele uitdaging voor ogen heeft: het klimaat verandert, maar het sociale klimaat is ook aan het veranderen. Ik wil geen planeet redden waar er geen mensen meer zijn om in te wonen. Ik ben dus bezorgd over de ongelooflijke snelle tempo waarmee planeet aarde aan het uitgeputten is. In gelijke mate, ben ik diep bezorgd over de groeiende ongelijkheid tussen mensen binnen Europa, maar ook de ongelijkheid tussen de Europese burgers en mensen uit andere landen. De traditionele partijen willen ons doen geloven dat de hoge werkloosheid en de slechte economie een gevolg is van de massale migratie. Dat klopt niet. Ze zullen je niet vertellen dat hun neo- liberale en conservatieve sociaal-economisch beleidspad sinds de jaren 1980 de directe oorzaak is van de financiële crisis van 2008, de eurocrisis van 2010 en de stijgende armoede ( 25 % of 121 miljoen mensen), (jeugd)werkloosheid en kinderarmoede. Ik geloof in een mensgerichte economisch en sociaal beleid gedreven door een eerlijke en rechtvaardige beleid met een win-win situatie voor iedereen.

Lobbyists come last

The influence of lobbyists in European politics should be put to check by a clearer arrangement. A compulsory registration registry is the minimum. This will facilitate a more transparent, fairer Europe with respect for individual freedoms. We can’t rescue the euro but lose the Europeans. The activities of the lobbyists help to put too much emphasis on economic growth and too little on democratic and social growth, transparency in decision making and the deontology of the representatives of the people. A fairer Europe that I represent will de-emphasize too many economic interests and place the emphasis on the rights of the human person, his privacy and personal freedom.

Neen aan lobbyisten

De invloed van lobbyisten in de Europese politiek moet worden aangepakt door een duidelijkere regeling. We redden de euro maar verliezen de Europeanen. Teveel nadruk ligt op economie, te weinig op democratie, transparantie in de besluitvorming en de deontologie van de volksvertegenwoordigers. Teveel economische belangen krijgen voorrang op de rechten van de mens, diens privacy en persoonlijke vrijheid.

Cooperate rather than compete

Cooperation rather than competition is the winning formula for a purposeful Europe. This guarantees that Europe protects rather than threatens its citizens. The Green political family in the European Parliament will advocate for decent jobs and equal standards such as an equal income for equal work. We want a basic income for everyone so that more self-determination and flexibility is achieved. We strive for quality education and guarantees on jobs for young people. We want a social Europol and strong cooperation between the national social inspection services to ensure that abuse on salary, housing and undermining of social security systems is made impossible. We will propose laws that will sharpen existing solidarity mechanisms, reward those that collaborate and penalize those that undertake unfair competition practices.

Samenwerken in plaats van concurreren

Wij willen dat Europa vertrekt vanuit solidariteit in plaats van concurrentie, dat Europa haar burgers beschermt, niet bedreigt. We pleiten voor degelijke jobs en gelijke standaarden zoals een gelijk inkomen voor gelijk werk. We willen een basisinkomen voor iedereen zodat meer zelfbeschikking en flexibiliteit mogelijk zijn. We streven naar kwaliteitsvol onderwijs en garanties op jobs voor jongeren. We willen een sociale Europol en dus sterke samenwerking tussen de nationale sociale inspectiediensten om misbruiken inzake verloning, huisvesting en ondermijning van de sociale zekerheidsstelsels onmogelijk te maken.

Green Economy & Fair Taxation

I advocate for green tax regime based on the principle that the polluter should pay, but also that the strongest shoulders bear the heaviest burden as long as we do not break their backs. There must be an absolute halt to tax havens, fiscal amnesty and tax evasion. Europe must strive for greater transparency in the use of funds and not unilaterally a fair financial policy that focuses on savings but creates opportunities for future generations by smart investments in green jobs.

Groene Economie & Faire Belastingen

Ik pleit voor groene belastingregime gebaseerd op het principe dat de vervuiler betaalt, maar ook dat de sterkste schouders de zwaarste lasten moeten dragen. Er moet een absolute einde komen aan belastingparadijzen, fiscale amnestie en belastingontduiking. Europa moet naar meer transparantie streven in het gebruik van haar middelen. Eenzijdig financieële beleidsvormingen diezich enkel op besparing richt mogen niet meer. Een faire, sociaal Europa creëert het best mogelijkheden voor de toekomstige generaties door slimme investeringen in groene banen en de groene economie.

Diaspora Professional Integration

It is sad that a teacher who trained in Africa or Asia before migrating to Europe is unable to find a job as a cleaner in a school where he or she should be teaching. It is also intolerable that a migrant who qualified as a Medical Doctor in his or her homeland cannot work even as a nurse in an hospital without going back to school for some three years. It is even more depressing to note that in the UK for instance, a Diaspora Medical Doctor is simply required to take a professional entry exam and is admitted to practice the medical profession if successful in the exam. Why is this possible in the UK and not in Belgium for example? This is a loss for both the individuals involved and Europe as well. The European Parliament has a role in professional policy harmonization.

Diaspora professionele integratie

Het is triestig dat een leraar die in Afrika of Azië opgeleid werd vóór de migratie naar Europa kan geen job vinden zelfs als schoonmaker in een school waar hij of zij normaalgezien moet werken als lesgever. Het is ook onaanvaardbaar dat een migrant die in zijn of haar thuisland als arts gekwalificeerd is geen job kan vinden, zelfs als verpleegkundige in een ziekenhuis, zonder bijkomende opleinding van drie jaar. Het is zelfs meer deprimerend om op te merken dat in het Verenigd Koninkrijk bijvoorbeeld, een dokter van een buitenlandse afkomst gewoon een professionele toelatingsexamen kan afleggen. Slaagt hij voor het examen, wordt hij zonder verdere formaliteiten toegelaten tot het uitoefenen van het medische beroep. Waarom is dit mogelijk in het Verenigd Koninkrijk en niet in België bijvoorbeeld? Dit is een verlies voor zowel de betrokken personen als voor Europa of de betrokken land. Het Europees Parlement heeft een rol in de professionele harmonisatie van diploma behaald buiten de Europees Unie.

Inclusive Europe

An inclusive and welcoming Europe sees no one as illegal. Europe must regulate migratory flows so that refugees – temporarily or otherwise – can get a safe haven. Europe has unmet and mismatched labour needs. While retraining and adaptation of training and education curriculum is required to serve the labour market better, studies and recent experiences in the care sector have shown that migration can be tuned to the needs of the labour market. We must be tough on human traffickers and employers who exploit undocumented migrants but Europe must enact more effective laws. The absence of such laws creates incentives for the bad guys. The message should be: tackle crime but don’t forget to tackle along the causes of crime. Europe must compel member states to comply better with European conventions on asylum policy and human rights.

Inclusief Europa

Een inclusief en gastvrij Europa ziet niemand als illegaal. Europa moet migratiestromen reguleren, zodat vluchtelingen – al dan niet tijdelijk – een veilige haven krijgen. Europa heeft onvervulde en niet passende arbeid behoeften. Er is nood aan het aanpassen van het onderwijssyteem met nadruk op arbeidsmarktgerichte opleidingen en herschooling. Tergelijketijd hebben recente arbeidsmarktstudies en specifieke ervaringen in de zorgsector hebben aangetoond dat migratie afgestemd kan worden op de behoeften van de arbeidsmarkt. We willen hard optreden tegen mensensmokkelaars en werkgevers die mensen zonder papieren uitbuiten. Het niet van toepassing dergelijke wetten te creëeren als stimulans voor de slechteriken. De boodschap moet zijn: misdaad aanpakken, maar niet vergeten de oorzaken van criminaliteit ook aan te pakken. Europa moet lidstaten dwingen om beter te voldoen aan de Europese verdragen inzake asielbeleid en mensenrechten.

Africa – Europe Trade Policy

Trade between Europe and Africa is as old as mankind. Trade, not aid, must define the new Europe – Africa relations. Work is needed on both sides to accomplish this laudable ideal. Fair trade policies are at the heart of this new, equitable relationship. On the face of it, any move in the direction of equitable Africa – Europe Trade Policy will ring a bell of disadvantage for Europe and a win only for Africa. I do not think so because I’m convinced that fair trade is a deciding component of a fairer Europe. This will ultimately translate into a win-win for all. I want to see a European Parliament that encourages Europe to trade fairly with Africa in the expectation that proceeds from such trade relations will surpass aids financed by the European tax payers. It will also break the unhealthy culture of Africa dependence on Europe, albeit in a gradual, phased out and durable process.

Afrika – Europa handelsbeleid

De handel tussen Europa en Afrika is zo oud al eeuwen oud. Handel en niet ontwikkelingshulp moet de nieuwe Europa – Afrikarelatie definiëren. Er is werk nodig aan beide kanten om dit lovenswaardige ideaal te bereiken. Fair tradebeleid moet de basis zijn voor deze nieuwe, rechtvaardige relatie. Op het eerste gezicht, zal elke stap in de richting van een billijke Afrika-Europa handelsbeleid gezien worden als nadelig voor Europa en een overwinning voor Afrika. Daar ga ik niet me akkoord, want ik ben ervan overtuigd dat eerlijke handel een beslissende onderdeel is van een rechtvaardiger Europa. Dit zal uiteindelijk leiden tot een win-win situatie voor iedereen. Ik wil een Europees Parlement dat Europa stimuleert voor een eerlijkere handel met Afrika in de verwachting dat de opbrengsten van dergelijke handelsbetrekkingen de ontwikkelingshulp gefinancierd door de Europese belastingbetalers zal vervangen. Het zal ook de ongezonde Afrika-Europa economisch afhankelijkheidscultuur geleidelijk afgebouwd worden op een duurzame manier.